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 this action of the President affected the proslavery element in that portion of the army with which I was connected may be illustrated by one or two occurrences. During a temporary absence of General Darius N. Couch, I was commanding the Second Corps near Falmouth, Va. More incautious than scores of others, a young officer of that corps was one day loudly talking to his comrades against General Ambrose E. Burnside, then commanding the Army of the Potomac, and also against the President. The officer declared that he would never fight in company with accursed abolitionists. He was surrounded by other commissioned officers, including the surgeon and chaplain of his regiment, and his soldiers were within hearing. Two or three prominent civilians on a visit to the army chanced to hear his pronounced offensive words, and noticed the growing excitement in that neighborhood. Coming straight to me, these gentlemen reported the case and deplored the condition of the army which they judged to be bad enough from this and other incidents which had come under their observation. The charge of uttering disloyal language was preferred and witnesses summoned. The offending officer was promptly tried and sentenced to dismissal. For years afterwards he sought in vain to procure a reversal of that sentence. In another regiment of that same corps for tendering his resignation in face of the enemy for the alleged reason that this had become an abolition war, a lieutenant was similarly tried and cashiered. For this prompt enforcement of discipline I was commended by Mr. Stanton. All outward demonstrations were thus nipped in
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