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 to industrial and agricultural enterprises, and to impart strength to the hope of justice; a law less comprehensive and explicit would have been insufficient Under the new provisions Maryland and Kentucky were now embraced and assistant commissioners appointed. The freed people of those States had become an important consideration. Most of them were willing and anxious to labor; yet very many had required the protection of a powerful agency to shield them from the imposition of employers and cruelty of enemies, and the unfairness of courts constituted and held under old laws. When nothing else could be done, it was something for an accused negro to have at least the counsel of a Bureau officer as a friend present in court. The most annoying things that I, as commissioner, encountered, and they were hitherto unceasing, were the complaints made to President Johnson against officers and agents and referred to me for examination and correction. Any agent who took the part of the freedmen against a Southern planter, especially one who had the hardihood to arrest a white man for misusing a negro, was traduced, and often, I am sorry to say, his discharge was brought about. The President was very anxious to be rid of every prominent officer who was reported to have been long the freedmen's friend. In his eyes assistant commissioners, such as Mr. Conway, Colonel Brown, Generals Whittlesey, Saxton, Samuel Thomas, and Absalom Baird, were too pronounced in behalf of those assailed; they seemed to be friends of the so-called carpet-baggers, i. e., immigrants from the North, and of Southern Unionists and negroes; and many subagents also were accused of a like attitude. They were too much the
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