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 five thousand dollars for making one argument to a jury, there is no need of moving for him, or for the men that work with their brains,--that do highly disciplined and skilled labor, invent, and write books. The reason why the Labor movement confines itself to a single class is because that class of work does not get paid, does not get protection. Mental labor is adequately paid, and more than adequately protected. It can shift its channels; it can vary according to the supply and demand. If a man fails as a minister, why, he becomes a railway-conductor. If that does n't suit him, he turns out, and becomes the agent of an insurance office. If that does n't suit, he goes West, and becomes governor of a Territory. And if he finds himself incapable of either of these positions, he comes home, and gets to be a city editor. He varies his occupation as he pleases, and does n't need protection. But the great mass, chained to a trade, doomed to be ground up in the mill of supply and demand, that work so many hours a day, and must run in the great ruts of business,--they are the men whose inadequate protection, whose unfair share of the general product claims a movement in their behalf. Well, the third charge brought by Mr. Johnson against us is, that we are cruel,--we combine; we prevent this man from laboring there, and we won't let that man learn our trade; we form trades-unions. To be sure we do. We say to the Chinese, “Stay at home. Don't come here by importation; come by immigration.” We say to the crowding millions who try to swamp our trade, “Stand aloof; we won't teach you.” We say to the mills of Lowell, who have turned us out of doors, “We'll starve you into submission.” Well, “it's a narrow contest. It's an unjust, it's a cruel, it's an avaricious method.” So it is. Where did we learn it? Learned it of capital, learned it of our enemies.
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