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“  any other place. As long as they work, they are not doing worse. I cannot attend to their houses.” I say to him, “It seems to me you do the same for your ox.” That's another significant fact of our civilization. I go to Lowell, and I say to a young girl, wandering in the streets, “How is this?” “Well, I worked here seven years, and I thought I would leave that mill and go to another; and the corporation won't give me my ticket. I have sued them in the Supreme Court, and I cannot get it; and here I am, penniless, in Eastern Massachusetts.” That's Christian civilization. I am picking up, not individual facts, but significant rules, that were made for labor. You say, “What does labor need in New England?” It needs justice. Mr. Stewart, in New York, has bought a whole town; and he is going to build model houses, and house there all the labor he can get to go into them. Yet the civilization which alone can look the New Testament in the face is a civilization where one man does not depend on the pity of another man's building him a model lodging-house; the civilization which alone can look the New Testament in the face is a civilization where one man could not build, and another man would not need, that sort of refuge. No, gentlemen, what we mean is this: The labor of yesterday, your capital, is protected sacredly. Not so the labor of to-day. The labor of yesterday gets twice the protection and twice the pay that the labor of today gets. Capital gets twice the protection and twice the pay. Now, we mean a radical change, and in the few minutes that are left me, I want to indicate our object. We mean certain great radical changes. I am not quite of the opinion of Mr. Secretary Boutwell, when he said here the other night, that fifty years hence the idea
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