themselves into a belief that the monster has received his mortal wound, and they scarcely feel any interest to be in at the death. The crafty advocates of slavery rejoice at this delusion, for they can now repose in comparative security. For my own part, I do not believe that the removal of the great body of the blacks can be effected by voluntary contributions or individual sacrifices; and if we depend alone upon the efforts of colonization societies, slavery will never be exterminated. As a home for emancipated slaves, I view the republic of Hayti with a favourable eye. In many points it is superior to Liberia. Its climate is more salubrious, its government is stable, its locality is near, and transportation can be effected more cheaply. Emigrants are received with cordial affection, and allowed extraordinary privileges. Our free coloured people, moreover, generally cherish less repugnance to Hayti than to Liberia. But while I would encourage every feasible plan for the reduction of this part of our population, I shall rely on nothing but the eternal principles of justice for the speedy overthrow of slavery. Since the delivery of my address in Boston, relative to this subject, I am convinced, on mature reflection, that no valid excuse can be given for the continuance of the evil a single hour. These, therefore, are my positions: 1. That the slaves are entitled to immediate and complete emancipation: consequently, to hold them longer in bondage is both tyrannical and unnecessary. 2. That the question of expediency has nothing to do with that of right, and it is not for those who tyrannise to say when they may safely break the chains of their subjects. As well may a thief determine on what particular day or month he shall leave off stealing, with safety to his own interest. 3. That, on the ground of expediency, it would be wiser to set all the slaves free to-day than to-morrow—or next week than next year. To think of removing them all out of the land is visionary: not two-fiftieths of the annual increase are taken away during the same period. Hence the sooner they receive the benefits of instruction, the better for them and us. We can educate two millions of slaves, now, with more facility and success than four millions at the expiration of twenty-five years. Give them liberation, and every inducement to revolt is removed; give them employment as free labourers, and their industry will be more productive and beneficial than mines of gold; give them religious and secular instruction, restrict them
This text is part of:
Table of Contents:
Chapter 1 : Ancestry.— 1764 - 1805 .
Chapter 2 : Boyhood.— 1805 - 1818 .
Chapter 3 : Apprenticeship.— 1818 - 1825 .
Chapter 4 : editorial Experiments.— 1826 - 1828 .
Chapter 5 : Bennington and the Journal of the Times — 1828 - 29 .
Chapter 6 : the genius of Universal emancipation. — 1829 - 30 .
Chapter 7 : Baltimore jail, and After.— 1830 .
Chapter 8 : the Liberator — 1831 .
Chapter 9 : organization: New-England Anti-slavery Society .—Thoughts on colonization.— 1832 .
Chapter 10 : Prudence Crandall .— 1833 .
Chapter 11 : first mission to England .— 1833 .
Chapter 12 : American Anti-slavery Society .— 1833 .
Chapter 13 : Marriage.— shall the Liberator die? — George Thompson .— 1834 .
Chapter 14 : the Boston mob ( first stage).— 1835 .
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