“  is, I mean do you believe that they possess the same faculties and capacities as the whites?” “Certainly, sir,” I responded; “I do not know that there is any moral or intellectual quality in the curl of the hair or the color of the skin. I cannot conceive why a black man may not as reasonably object to my color, as I to his. Sir, it is not a black face that I detest, but a black heart—and I find it very often under a white skin.” “Well, sir,” said my querist, “how should you like to see a black man President of the United States?” “As to that, sir, I am a true republican, and bow to the will of the majority. If the people prefer a black President, I shall cheerfully submit; and if he be qualified for the station, may peradventure give him my vote.” “How should you like to have a black man marry your daughter?” “I am not married—I have no daughter. Sir, I am not familiar with your practices; but allow me to say, that slaveholders generally should be the last persons to affect fastidiousness on that point; for they seem to be enamoured with amalgamation.” Thus ended the dialogue. . . .Austin Woolfolk had usually visited the jail almost daily, to pick up bargains for his Southern shipments; but during Garrison's incarceration he absented himself. The first task to which the imprisoned editor addressed himself was to prepare and have printed, in a pamphlet of eight pages, ‘A Brief Sketch of the Trial of William Lloyd Garrison, for an alleged libel on Francis Todd, of Massachusetts.’ To this he invited ‘the attention of the public, and of editors generally, as containing much instruction and interest, as highly illustrative of Maryland justice (as administered by Nicholas Brice), and as showing to what extent the liberty of the press is enjoyed in this State,’ and these were his concluding comments:
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