observed their usual frequency and measure.
‘In attacking the principles, and exposing the evil1
tendency, of the Society, we wish no one to understand us as saying that all its friends are equally guilty, or actuated by the same motives.
Nor let him suppose that we exonerate any of them from reprehension.’
When it was reported that certain persons, in a distant part of the State
, scrupled to subscribe for the Liberator
because they favored gradual emancipation with transportation to Liberia
, ‘We are glad to learn,’ he said, ‘that some2
have even a perverted conscience in that place; for on the subject of slavery we feared they had none at all.’
mode of extinguishing slavery by abstaining from its products still commended itself to Mr. Garrison
. ‘The free States,’ he says, in the second3
number of the Liberator
, ‘receive and consume the productions of slave labor!
The District of Columbia is national property; slavery exists in that District!
Yet the free States are not involved in the guilt of slavery!’
In subsequent discussions of the subject he urged that the receiver was as bad as the thief; that ‘a merchant4
who loads his vessel with the proceeds of slavery, does nearly as much at helping forward the slave trade as he that loads his vessel in Africa
Slaves are held in bondage ‘because they are profitable to their owners,’ and the reasons for giving up the use of what they produce ‘affect the very existence of slavery—none5
can possibly be more solemn and conclusive.
The people of New England
are daily fastening new and heavier fetters upon the slaves, and putting an immense bribe into the hands of the planters, by consuming those articles which have been raised at the expense of the bodies and souls of two millions of their fellow-beings.’
from the products of slavery is the duty of6
He desired the multiplication of freeproduce societies to ‘strike at the root of slavery,’ and7
one of the objects of an American Anti-Slavery Society should be ‘to encourage planters to cultivate their lands8