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[294] other class of men. Unacquainted with me, and ignorant of my sentiments, they have readily believed the accusations of my enemies. The introduction of my name into conversation has elicited from them contemptuous sneers or strong denunciations. I have a right to complain of this treatment, and I do strongly protest against it as unchristian, hurtful, and ungenerous. To prejudge and condemn an individual, on vague and apocryphal rumors, without listening to his defence or examining evidence, is tyranny. Perhaps I am in error—perhaps I deserve unqualified condemnation; but I am at least entitled to a privilege which is granted to the vilest criminals, namely, the privilege of a fair trial. I ask nothing more. To accuse me of heresy, madness, and sedition, is one thing; to substantiate the accusation, another.

The formal arraignment of the Colonization Society is divided in the Thoughts into ten sections. The first1 aims ‘to show, first, the original design of the Society; secondly, that it is still strictly adhered to; and lastly, that the Society is solemnly pledged not to interfere with the system of slavery, or in any manner to disturb the repose of the planters.’ The second section convicts the Society of being the apologist of slavery and slaveholders. The third proves that it recognizes slaves as property; and the fourth, that it actually increases the value of slaves, and adds strength and security to the system. The fifth section denounces it as the enemy of immediate abolition:

This, I am aware, in the present corrupt state of public2 sentiment, will not generally be deemed an objectionable feature; but I regard it with inexpressible abhorrence and dismay. . . .

Immediate abolition does not mean that the slaves shall3 immediately exercise the right of suffrage, or be eligible to any office, or be emancipated from law, or be free from the benevolent restraints of guardianship. We contend for the immediate personal freedom of the slaves, for their exemption from punishment except where law has been violated, for their employment and reward as free laborers, for their exclusive right to their own bodies and those of their own children, for their instruction and subsequent admission to all the trusts, offices, honors and emoluments of intelligent freemen. . . .

1 P. 40.

2 Thoughts, p. 78.

3 Ibid., p. 80. Cf. First Annual Report N. E. A. S. Society, p. 17.

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