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‘ [299] emancipated his slaves and died an abolitionist!’—and this time the genuine meeting shouted with a will, while the rioters, fairly caught, bore it with a laugh.

At length the time came for them to take formal control of the meeting which their guerilla warfare had utterly deranged. Brushing aside the offer of ‘ProfessorGrant to resume his ethnological disquisition, they put forth an ex-policeman of the Eighth Ward, who had lately been broken “for being found drunk in a house of illfame.” Lib. 20:[78]. This exponent of the Christianity and Unionism of the hour proposed the following resolution:

Resolved, That this meeting does not see sufficient reasons1 for interfering with the domestic institutions of the South, even if it were constitutional—which it is not—and therefore will not countenance fanatical agitation whose aims and ends are the overthrow of the churches, a reign of anarchy, a division of interests, the supremacy of a hypocritical atheism, a general amalgamation, and a dissolution of the Union. For these reasons, this meeting recommends to these humanity-mongers the confining of its [sic] investigations to the progress of degradation among the negroes of the North, and the increasing inequality and poverty of the free whites and blacks of New York and similar places, instead of scurrility, blasphemy, and vituperation.

Captain Rynders having put this resolution, and his obscene creatures having carried it by acclamation, and Mr. Garrison having announced the decision of the trustees to permit no further sessions, ‘thus closed,’ to use the Tribune's words, “anti-slavery free discussion in New York for 1850.” Lib. 20:[78]. And not alone for 1850, as the sequel will show; nor anti-slavery free discussion alone. Everywhere it was felt throughout the North, even by enemies2 of the abolitionists, that no speech could be free under such a license to the mob.

‘What are the consequences?’ asked, for example, the3 Philadelphia Ledger. ‘Why, that no public meetings can be held but by the permission of a mob; and the very men who put down an abolition meeting one day, may themselves be put down to-morrow. . . . It was not,’ continued the

1 Lib. 20:[78].

2 Nat. A. S. Standard, 10.201.

3 May 14, 1850; Lib. 20.82.

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