He will see the simple truth that American slavery is the one obstacle to the deliverance of Europe, because it is the only thing that palsies our influence—that influence which he would obtain, and which he deems so important. And when he sees it—but we must grant him a little time, as it was beyond the dream of his philosophy—I have strong confidence that he will tell what he sees. The man himself makes a profound impression upon every one who hears him. There is a simplicity and truthfulness about him which go straight to the heart. I cannot believe there is an atom of dough in his face. Unlike the good Samaritan, he finds the poor slave, his wounded brother-man, surrounded by a host of Priests, Levites, Senators, and what not, who seem to be busily ministering to him; and, of course, as his interference is, under the supposed circumstances, unnecessary, he is disposed to pass silently on. I pray you, understand me. I have troubled you with all this, not for the Liberator, but for your private ear. Please don't publish it, and don't feel constrained in courtesy to answer, unless you see a flaw in my judgment of the case. Then I should like to see it too. Kossuth was more powerfully stirred, I imagine, by Dr. Elder's speech at the Banquet than1 by anything he has heard in this country. I did not hear it, as I left the instant Kossuth finished; but they say it kindled him, Kossuth. The next speech he makes afterwards, at Baltimore, he says he grows unwilling to speak in English, since we have such eloquent men among us; and the Dr., he must learn, is an anti-slavery man. On the whole, I think Kossuth will do us more good than we can do him. He has taken such a hold of people's hearts that they will hardly endure that our ‘domestic concern’ should meddle with him. It has meddled with him already most insultingly, and, when he sees that fact, it will absolve him from all his promises not to meddle with it. You will perceive that the view of his position which I suggest casts no reflection upon his sagacity, for it is past the philosophy of the wisest to dream of such a thing on earth as a republic like this cherishing slavery, building its freedom on the crushed rights of millions, and prepared to intervene in the affairs of other nations only when the slavery which it cherishes can be advantaged thereby. Pardon me for this trespass. I confess Kossuth has touched2 and fascinated me; but this you will see. It would have delighted you had you witnessed the uproarious
This text is part of:
Table of Contents:
Chapter 1 : re-formation and Reanimation.— 1841 .
Chapter 2 : the Irish address.— 1842 .
Chapter 3 : the covenant with death. — 1843 .
Chapter 4 : no union with slaveholders! — 1844 .
Chapter 5 : Texas .— 1845 .
Chapter 6 : third mission to England .— 1846 .
Chapter 7 : first Western tour.— 1847 .
Chapter 8 : the Anti-Sabbath Convention .— 1848 .
Chapter 9 : Father Mathew .— 1849 .
Chapter 10 : the Rynders Mob .— 1850 .
Chapter 11 : George Thompson , M. P.— 1851 .
Chapter 12 : Kossuth .— 1852 .
Chapter 13 : the Bible Convention.— 1853 .
Chapter 14 : the Nebraska Bill .— 1854 .
Chapter 15 : the Personal Liberty Law .— 1855 .
Chapter 16 : Fremont .— 1856 .
Chapter 17 : the disunion Convention.— 1857 .
Chapter 18 : the irrepressible Conflict.— 1858 .
Chapter 19 : John Brown .— 1859 .
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