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[351] chief, who bade him resume his journalistic career, and1 thus ‘essentially serve the cause’ to which his devotion had been so conspicuous. This certificate bore date of December 22, 1851, and was naturally published along with the prospectus in the first number of the Voelkerbund. But Gyurman, if only temporarily domiciled here, was resolved that it should not be said of him as of Kossuth,

Thou art a mere Hungarian—nothing more.


He gave notice that his vista would not be merely ‘across the sea.’ ‘The unlimited critical nature of reason’ demanded that he should look about him, noting what the free institutions of America offered for imitation in Europe, which was much; and for avoidance, also much. With regard to the slavery question he was explicit: “We consider the Compromise no settled solution, but a provisional law, for the abrogation of which, at least so far as the extradition of slaves is concerned, we will employ all the means which a public organ can command.” Lib. 22.20.

This manifesto was promptly seized upon by the New3 York Herald and Express, and was declared to have Kossuth's endorsement, in view of his certificate to Gyurman, and to reveal his secret purpose. Congress was warned against lending any countenance to the Magyar's ostensible mission. Alarmed by this new peril, Kossuth made haste to repudiate, as he justly but not honorably could, all responsibility for his late associate. He was now in Washington, where he never could have4 gone as an avowed opponent of slavery. He not only stated, through his secretary, the precise facts in regard to his relations to the Voelkerbund; he pronounced “Mr. Gyurman's occupying himself with a question of domestic American policy” Lib. 22.20. to be ‘injurious to the interest of his own country, and in diametric opposition to Governor Kossuth's decidedly expressed opinion as to the duty and policy of non-interference in such questions.’ And yet

1 Lib. 22.20.

2 Lib. 23.4.

3 Lib. 22.20.

4 Jan. 7, 1852.

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