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‘ [418] and means of defence, and declared in their letters that fighting suasion was the most important institution in the new Territory.’1

In November, another homicide led to the siege of2 Lawrence by the Border-Ruffian army under Atchison and Stringfellow, and the so-called ‘Wakarusa war.’3 Governor Shannon summoned out the ‘militia’ (i. e., the Missourians), and made demand on the President for4 Federal troops.

It would be a grave error to look upon the Kansas struggle—any more than upon the civil war of which it was the prelude—as one between abolitionists and pro-slavery men. Mr. Garrison had been careful to say nothing to5 discourage emigration to the Territory, but he had ‘never had any faith in it as a breakwater against the inundation of the dark waters of oppression.’ He knew that the emigrants represented only the average sentiment of the North on the subject of slavery. As Charles Stearns wrote to the Liberator from Lawrence on December 24, 1854:

Multitudes of those who are such flaming abolitionists here,6 as they call themselves, are a sui generis kind of abolitionist—a mongrel character, like Aunt Ophelia in “Uncle Tom's Cabin.” They are desperately opposed to slavery entering here—and why? Because they “don't want the niggers about them.” . . . Now I feel quite certain that the very people who will vote against the introduction of slavery will also vote for a “Black Law.” 7 . . . I can find but few who dare to say that

1 See John Brown's own account of the Convention in Sanborn's Life of him, pp. 193, 194. Among the donors was Capt. Charles Stuart—a clear case of ‘British Gold.’

2 Lib. 25.195, 198, 199, 203.

3 Lib. 25.203; 26.2.

4 Lib. 25.199.

5 Lib. 25.86.

6 Lib. 25:[6].

7 For confirmation of this, note the action of the convention which formed a free-State Constitution at Topeka in October, 1855. An article instructing the first General Assembly to exclude free people of color from the Territory was not, indeed, incorporated in that instrument, but was left to be voted on separately at the time of the general adoption (Lib. 25: 191). Exclusion was desired by the Big Springs Convention which preceded that at Topeka (Lib. 25: 155, [160]). The popular vote was to that effect (Lib. 26: 69; 28: 47). The Constitution legalized slavery till July 4, 1857 (Lib. 26: 69, 70). One could hardly have expected anything else of a free-State population preponderatingly Western, and which contained a larger element from Indiana ‘than from any other State in the Union’—larger than that from New York and all New England combined (Lib. 26: 81, 103).

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