hit, exposing the rest of its body to fresh blows.
Hence, not a word in its platform about the repeal of the1
Fugitive Slave Law, or urging abolition in the District of Columbia, against
which, by the way, Fremont
, during his2
brief Senatorial career, had twice voted.
was the sole vital issue put forward.
“The tone of the Republican Party,” Ms.
wrote Mr. Garrison
to S. J. May
, on March 21, 1856, ‘is becoming more and more feeble and indefinite, in order to secure a large vote in the approaching Presidential struggle.
they resolved to vote for the admission of Kansas
into the Union
as a free State!
Wonderful! “Put not your faith in” —politicians!’
His cherished correspondent, like many another4
abolitionist, was swept away by the hope of political success into ardent support of Fremont
; and such examples encouraged the Democrats in their policy of identifying5
the Republicans with the disunion abolitionists.
, addressing a Democratic meeting at Portland, Me.
, on August 6, charged the Republicans that “the only difference between you and Garrison
is—he goes at the question boldly, like a man, and you are sneaking around it. Garrison
says your Constitution protects slavery, and he is against the Constitution
Well, I admit that he is foolish, but, at the same time, you are obliged to admit that he is bolder and honester than you are.”
The editor of the Liberator
was beset with inquiries as to6
his attitude towards the Republican Party, often from members of it who hoped he would disavow it, in order that the party might disavow him. His replies left no7
room for ambiguity.
In a long article, reviewing the8
duty of abolitionists under the temptation to which Mr. May
had succumbed, he held them to the fundamental principle of the disunion position, with this admission: ‘As against Buchanan
, it seems to us, the sympathies and best wishes of every enlightened friend of freedom must be on the side of Fremont
; so that if there ’