We must dissolve all connexion with those murderers of fathers, and murderers of mothers, and murderers of liberty, and traffickers in human flesh, and blasphemers against the Almighty, at the South. What have we in common with them? What have we gained, what have we not lost, by our alliance with them? Are not their principles, their pursuits, their policies, their interests, their designs, their feelings, utterly diverse from ours? Why, then, be subject to their dominion? Why not have the Union dissolved in form, as it is in 1 fact—especially if the form gives ample protection to the slave system, by securing for it all the physical force of the North? It is not treason against the cause of liberty to cry, ‘Down with every slaveholding Union!’ Therefore, I raise that cry! And, O, that I had a voice louder than a thousand thunders, that it might shake the land and electrify the dead—the dead in sin, I mean—those slain by the hand of slavery. How marvellously Providence works! The Irish Address, I trust, is to be the means of breaking up a stupendous conspiracy, which I believe is going on between the leading Irish demagogues, the leading pseudo-Democrats, and the Southern slaveholders. Mark three things. First—The Irish population among us is nearly all ‘Democratic.’ Second—The Democratic party is openly and avowedly the defender and upholder of the ‘peculiar institution’ of slavery. Third—The cry in favor of Irish Repeal is now raised extensively throughout the South, and sustained by the leading Democratic journals—and why? To secure the aid of the Irish voters on the side of slavery, and to bring their united strength to bear against the anti-slavery enterprise.2 Also, if possible, by sending over3 donations to Ireland, to stop O'Connell's mouth on the subject of slavery, and to prevent any more ‘interference’ on that point, from that side of the Atlantic! Hence, I observe, at the Repeal meetings in various parts of the country, resolutions and4 declarations which amount to sacred pledges, that these ‘repealers’ will stand by Southern institutions at all hazards! Now, by the Address, which will cause every toad to start up into a devil as soon as he is touched, we shall be able to probe this matter to the bottom. If O'Connell and our friends in Ireland remain true to us, and renew their spirited attacks upon American5
This text is part of:
Table of Contents:
Chapter 1 : re-formation and Reanimation.— 1841 .
Chapter 2 : the Irish address.— 1842 .
Chapter 3 : the covenant with death. — 1843 .
Chapter 4 : no union with slaveholders! — 1844 .
Chapter 5 : Texas .— 1845 .
Chapter 6 : third mission to England .— 1846 .
Chapter 7 : first Western tour.— 1847 .
Chapter 8 : the Anti-Sabbath Convention .— 1848 .
Chapter 9 : Father Mathew .— 1849 .
Chapter 10 : the Rynders Mob .— 1850 .
Chapter 11 : George Thompson , M. P.— 1851 .
Chapter 12 : Kossuth .— 1852 .
Chapter 13 : the Bible Convention.— 1853 .
Chapter 14 : the Nebraska Bill .— 1854 .
Chapter 15 : the Personal Liberty Law .— 1855 .
Chapter 16 : Fremont .— 1856 .
Chapter 17 : the disunion Convention.— 1857 .
Chapter 18 : the irrepressible Conflict.— 1858 .
Chapter 19 : John Brown .— 1859 .
1 Cf. ante, p. 46.
2 More particularly—to insure the Southern control of the next Administration in the interest of Texan annexation. The marked increase in the Irish immigration now first began to have a Federal political significance, as would abundantly appear at the Presidential election in 1844.
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