slavery, and cry out against this unholy and frightful league between Southern slave-drivers and his countrymen in America, then it will put down at the South this pretended sympathy for Ireland, and be the means of advancing our movement still more rapidly. In this week's Liberator, I shall publish copious extracts from1 O'Connell's speeches, for the last ten years, against American slavery. They will scathe like lightning, and smite like thunderbolts. No man in the wide world has spoken so strongly against the soul-drivers of this land as O'Connell. Is it not heart-cheering to know that the British Government2 will not give up the slaves of the Creole?3
This text is part of:
Table of Contents:
Chapter 1 : re-formation and Reanimation.— 1841 .
Chapter 2 : the Irish address.— 1842 .
Chapter 3 : the covenant with death. — 1843 .
Chapter 4 : no union with slaveholders! — 1844 .
Chapter 5 : Texas .— 1845 .
Chapter 6 : third mission to England .— 1846 .
Chapter 7 : first Western tour.— 1847 .
Chapter 8 : the Anti-Sabbath Convention .— 1848 .
Chapter 9 : Father Mathew .— 1849 .
Chapter 10 : the Rynders Mob .— 1850 .
Chapter 11 : George Thompson , M. P.— 1851 .
Chapter 12 : Kossuth .— 1852 .
Chapter 13 : the Bible Convention.— 1853 .
Chapter 14 : the Nebraska Bill .— 1854 .
Chapter 15 : the Personal Liberty Law .— 1855 .
Chapter 16 : Fremont .— 1856 .
Chapter 17 : the disunion Convention.— 1857 .
Chapter 18 : the irrepressible Conflict.— 1858 .
Chapter 19 : John Brown .— 1859 .
3 This action, and the fixed anti-slavery policy of the British nation, account sufficiently for Southern sympathy with Irish revolt, apart from the political interest insisted on (and correctly) by Mr. Garrison. And, vice versa, England's anti-slavery professions became one more count in the Irish-American indictment of her. (See the Irish Catholic Boston Pilot's article, ‘The Policy of England—Abolitionism,’ copied in Lib. 12: 41.) The case of the Creole was this. The brig, of Richmond, left Norfolk on Oct. 30, 1841, for New Orleans, with a cargo of tobacco and slaves, to the number of 135. On the night of November 7 the blacks rose and took possession of the vessel, killing the second mate in the melee, and wounding those who resisted, but otherwise acting humanely. They then had the course turned towards Nassau, in the British island of New Providence, where they arrived Nov. 9. Nineteen of the ringleaders (including one Pompey Garrison) were arrested and held for mutiny and murder, the rest set free (Lib. 11: 206, 210; 12: 34, 37). All efforts to secure the extradition of the prisoners, or of their fellow-slaves, or to obtain indemnity from Great Britain, were futile, and the mutineers were ultimately discharged (Lib. 12: 42). Webster, as Secretary of State, conducted the diplomatic correspondence through Edward Everett at the court of St. James (Lib. 12: 34), prostituting his intellect in support of the Government's right ‘to demand from the whole human race respect to the municipal law of Southern slavery’—to use Channing's words in review of Webster, in his pamphlet on the “Duty of the Free States ” (Lib. 12: 55, 57, 61, 65, 105). In the Senate, Calhoun led the furious Southern clamor for reparation or war (Lib. 11: 211; 12: 10). In the House, Joshua R. Giddings stood for the North in manly resolutions denying any offence against the laws of the United States on the part of the Creole mutineers, or any Constitutional right on the part of the Government to pursue them, or to strengthen the coastwise slave-trade—as the Secretary of the Navy proposed to do by a gunboat patrol (Lib. 12.30, 31), and denouncing these proceedings as a national disgrace (Lib. 12: 50). This ‘British argument, and approximation to a treasonable view of the subject,’ as Caleb Cushing called it, nearly led to summary violence being executed upon Mr. Giddings by Southern colleagues. Without allowing him to be heard in self-defence, the House incontinently censured him by a vote of 125 to 69, and he resigned his seat, successfully appealing to his constituents for a reflection (Lib. 12: 69, 75; and pp. 117-124 of Buell's “Life of Giddings ” ). J. Q. Adams would have voted against Giddings's first and second resolutions, allowing the slave States an exclusive control over slavery in their own borders. He affirmed once more the power of the general government to abolish slavery in case of insurrection or civil war (Lib. 12: 85, and ante, 2: 75).
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