banner and the South
under an opposing banner foreseen1
by Mr. Garrison
in 1843—with the issue sure, whether prudence or desperation ruled the counsels of the Slave Power
—at length came to pass.
‘For the first time in our history,’ said Wendell Phillips
, ‘the slave
a President of the United States
. . . . Lincoln
is in place
The Governor of South Carolina
, after the October handwriting on the wall, had called an extra session of3
the Legislature to provide for a disunion convention in case of Lincoln
's election, and meanwhile to arm the militia, and to accept, organize, and drill volunteers.
This action, with the signs of adhesion on the part of other4
States, threw the whole country into a vortex of agitation —the South
arming against the Republican Administration
not more than against its own fears (fed by a thousand idle rumors) of slave insurrections; the pro-slavery and halting Republican North in panic striving to stave off the inevitable by making every concession to the5
Slave Power, beginning with the surrender of the Personal Liberty
laws, and by pursuing abolitionists with mob violence.
, the ‘respectable’ progeny of the6
‘respectable’ rioters of 1835 took possession of a meeting in Tremont Temple, commemorating John Brown
's execution by its date, and discussing the trite question, ‘How can American slavery be abolished?’—a meeting,7
needless to say, not called
by Garrisonian abolitionists.
Turned out of doors by the Mayor
, it adjourned for the evening to the Belknap-Street
(colored) Church, where the spirit of violence was still more rampant, at least at the close, when Mrs. Chapman
was thought to have saved8 Mr. Phillips
's life by her companionship, and when he himself had to be escorted home by a body-guard.
The orator's scarifying review of these proceedings, from9 Theodore Parker
's pulpit, on Sunday, December 16,—his topic being ‘Mobs and Education,’—brought him a second (daylight) assault as he issued from the Music Hall
, and made his return home a street fight.
On the same day,