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[114] By September 22, Quincy could write to Webb: ‘The1 Disunion doctrine obtains almost universally among the old-school abolitionists,2 and is fast spreading. It is so marvellously plain that it is hard not to embrace it. What straits its opposers are reduced to you will see by Earle's3 articles in the Standard, “The no-voting theory,” signed “E.,” and Gerrit Smith's tract, which you will find at4 length in both Liberator and Standard.’5 Edmund Jackson, a brother of Francis, gave, in the Liberator, his weighty assent to the doctrine in controversy, pointing6 out to those political abolitionists who urged rather amendment of the Constitution, that this was synonymous with dissolution, in fact and in the eyes of the South.7 Francis Jackson himself resigned to the 8 Gov

1 Ms.

2 Ohio was an exception. The State Anti-Slavery Society deprecated the new policy as narrowing the anti-slavery platform with a new ‘test,’ yet itself straightway erected a similar test by declaring it the duty of all abolitionists to abstain from slave produce (Lib. 14.105). Commenting upon this, in the vein of the New York and Boston protestants, Edmund Quincy showed in the Standard the inconsistency of going before a court whose records were kept on cotton paper, or judge ate slave-grown sugar; or of using cotton bank-notes, etc. (Lib. 14: 121).

3 Thomas Earle.

4 Lib. 14: 137, 143, 150, 154, 159.

5 ‘The adherents of Liberty Party,’ wrote Mr. Garrison to H. C. Wright (Ms. Oct. 1, 1844), ‘in order to justify voting, are impudently claiming the U. S. Constitution is, and was intended to be, by those who originally framed and adopted it, [anti-slavery]! Even Gerrit Smith has stultified himself so far as to have written a long letter to John G. Whittier, maintaining the same absurd doctrine. Nay, he has gone so far as to eulogize those diabolical provisions respecting the prosecution of the slave-trade for twenty years—the putting down of slave insurrections by the Government—the three-fifths representation of the slaves through their masters— as decidedly anti-slavery in their character and tendency! He is now completely absorbed in electioneering in behalf of James G. Birney and the Liberty Party, and has consequently gone backward since you left for England. . . . I wish, if you get time, you would address a letter to him on his new political career, and his strange interpretation of the Constitution, reminding him of the awful responsibility he is thus taking upon himself, and of the concessions he has made to you, on various occasions, respecting the divinity of non-resistance. In his letter to Whittier, he perseveres in calling the American A. S. Society a Non-Resistance Society, because it will not support a pro-slavery Constitution!’ See Gerrit Smith's letter in Lib. 14.137.

6 Lib. 14: 102.

7 So J. M. McKim, in the Pennsylvania Freeman, argued justly that the pretence that the Constitution was anti-slavery was a tacit admission that, if it were pro-slavery, dissolution would be a duty (Lib. 14: 105).

8 Ms., and Lib. 14: 125.

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