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[139] ation of Texas, repudiating disunion. His counter measure was to enlarge the area of freedom—as if the South did not provide for that by coupling the admission of a slave State with that of a free State. Already, in February, Florida had been thus admitted into the Union, paired with1 Iowa, in spite of the intense Northern feeling against more slave States aroused in the case of Texas; in spite, too, of the Florida Constitution making slavery perpetual,2 and authorizing the Legislature to forbid the landing of3 any colored seaman—the toleration of which by Congress was a virtual approval of the action of South Carolina towards Mr. Hoar. Yet still Mr. Seward contended— “We must resist unceasingly the admission of slave States, and demand the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia” Lib. 15.113.; and he even dreamed, when one independent Congress had been elected, that the ‘internal slave-trade may be subjected to inquiry. Amendments to the Constitution will be initiated.’ Robert C. Winthrop made his surrender on the Fourth of July, and in Faneuil Hall, toasting, in famous words, “Our country . . . however bounded; . . . to be cherished in all our hearts, to be defended by all our hands” Lib. 15.118.—an abasement which accepted war with Mexico, along with that spread of slave territory which he had hitherto strenuously opposed. In the same hall of heroic memories the Whig State Convention in October withdrew from the opposition, and left4 the Constitutional question to the Supreme Court of the United States! Governor Slade of Vermont could no longer urge his State to take, unsupported, an unrelenting attitude, and sought comfort in the illusion that5 the entrance of Texas into the Union would make slavery a national institution as never before, and expose it to attack as such. Webster, accusing the Liberty Party6 (by its defeat of Clay) of having procured annexation, hoped, or professed to hope, the consummation might yet be averted; as Charles Francis Adams, seeing7 nothing further left, and disregarding the example of Florida, vainly looked for some modification of the pro-slavery

1 Lib. 15.34, 39.

2 Lib. 15.39.

3 Lib. 15.54.

4 Lib. 15.162.

5 Lib. 15.170.

6 Lib. 15.182.

7 Lib. 15.185; cf. 206.

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