that is, to have no religious, no political Union with slaveholders.
On this ground we stand ready to unite again with Whigs, Democrats, and Liberty men; but on nothing short of this can we see any utility in attempting to make effectual resistance to the encroachments of Slavery.’
Senate and House
had, on the last day of1
February, 1845, agreed upon the joint resolution prescribing the terms of admission for Texas
sped the news2
with indecent haste, considering the nearness of his successor in office; the Mexican
minister at the capital3
withdrew; the new President
, made his disposition of forces by land and sea to deter Mexico
from asserting in4
arms her claims to the territory of Texas
, and at the same time began to negotiate for the purchase of California
When Congress assembled, the House
was in no humor5
to entertain memorials against the admission of Texas
, nor was John Quincy Adams
disposed to struggle against a foregone conclusion.
Stephen A. Douglas
's resolution to admit Texas
was promptly passed by a majority of five6
to two, and the Senate confirmed it (on Forefathers' Day)7
by a majority of nearly three to one.
The year closed amid general despondency at the North
in all anti-slavery breasts except those of the abolitionists.
wrote Mr. Garrison
to Richard Webb
, with reference to annexation, ‘the slaveholding power has never been so strong—has never seemed to be so invincible—has never held such complete mastery over the whole country—has never so successfully hurled defiance at the Eternal
and Just One—as at the present time; and yet never has it in reality been so weak, never has it had so many uncompromising assailants, never has it been so filled with doubt and consternation, never has it been so near its downfall, as at this moment.
Upon the face of it, this statement looks absurdly paradoxical; but it is true, nevertheless.
We are groping in thick darkness; but it is that darkest hour which is said to precede the dawn of day.’9
And Edmund Quincy
notified the same correspondent in