light increases and duty is made manifest. So thoroughly has the poison of slavery circulated through every vein and artery of this nation that it infects every part of the body politic, whether religiously or politically considered. The desire that I had long cherished to visit Oberlin was1 gratified on Thursday last. In company with Douglass, Foster,2 Walker, and the indefatigable General Agent of the Western Anti-Slavery Society, Samuel Brooke, I arrived in season to attend the exercises of the graduating class in theology. The number of persons present was immense—not less than four thousand. The meeting-house is as spacious as the Broadway Tabernacle in New York, but much better arranged. Two of the graduates took occasion, in their addresses, to denounce ‘the fanaticism of Come-outerism and Disunionism,’ and to make a thrust at those who, in the guise of anti-slavery, temperance, etc., are endeavoring to promote ‘infidelity’! Prof. Finney, in his address to the graduates, gave them some very3 good advice—telling them that denouncing Come-outerism, on the one hand, or talking about the importance of preserving harmony and union in the church, on the other, would avail them nothing. They must go heartily into all the reforms of the age, and be ‘anti-devil all over’—and if they were not ready to do this, he advised them to go to the workshop, the farm, or anywhere else, rather than into the ministry. This was talking very plainly—but if those young men should attempt to carry his advice into practice, where could they hope to find congregations and salaries? Yesterday, at 10 o'clock, we began our meetings in the church4 —nearly three thousand persons in attendance. Another was held in the afternoon, another in the evening,—and this5 forenoon we have had another long session. Douglass and myself have done nearly all the talking, on our side, friend Foster saying but little. The principal topics of discussion have been Come-outerism from the Church and the State. Pres. Mahan6 entered into the debate in favor of the U. S. Constitution as an anti-slavery instrument, and, consequently, of the Liberty Party. He was perfectly respectful, and submitted to our interrogations with good temper and courtesy. As a disputant, he is adroit and plausible, but neither vigorous nor profound. I shall say nothing about my visit here, for the public eye, until my return. What impression we made at Oberlin, I cannot say; but I was abundantly satisfied as to the apparent effect. I think our visit was an important one, and very timely withal. Douglass and
This text is part of:
Table of Contents:
Chapter 1 : re-formation and Reanimation.— 1841 .
Chapter 2 : the Irish address.— 1842 .
Chapter 3 : the covenant with death. — 1843 .
Chapter 4 : no union with slaveholders! — 1844 .
Chapter 5 : Texas .— 1845 .
Chapter 6 : third mission to England .— 1846 .
Chapter 7 : first Western tour.— 1847 .
Chapter 8 : the Anti-Sabbath Convention .— 1848 .
Chapter 9 : Father Mathew .— 1849 .
Chapter 10 : the Rynders Mob .— 1850 .
Chapter 11 : George Thompson , M. P.— 1851 .
Chapter 12 : Kossuth .— 1852 .
Chapter 13 : the Bible Convention.— 1853 .
Chapter 14 : the Nebraska Bill .— 1854 .
Chapter 15 : the Personal Liberty Law .— 1855 .
Chapter 16 : Fremont .— 1856 .
Chapter 17 : the disunion Convention.— 1857 .
Chapter 18 : the irrepressible Conflict.— 1858 .
Chapter 19 : John Brown .— 1859 .
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