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[212] on the nominal basis of immediate emancipation,—as, for example, free trade, direct taxation, abolition of the Government monopoly of carrying the mails,1 disbanding of the army and navy (‘no human government’ heresy), distribution of the public lands. Gerrit Smith was2 nominated for the Presidency.

‘Our old enemy, Liberty Party,’ wrote Wendell Phillips to3 Elizabeth Pease in August,

is fulfilling, oh, how exactly! our prophecies in 1840. I never saw predictions so accurately verified. We said she would be obliged to adopt more than one principle (hatred to slavery) before she would increase. Lo! Goodell and all New York have confessed it, and joined the Democrats on Free Trade, the Land Reformers on Land Limitation, etc., etc.,—19 points in all. (In Goodell's Declaration of Principles there was a ludicrous sentence. He began by laying down the principle that every immortal and responsible agent was entitled to share in the Government; hence he inferred the right of universal suffrage for men, forgetting that there were other ‘immortal and responsible agents’ in the world, the women! But he dared not add woman's rights as the 20th point to his 19—that would have lost numbers, the prime aim of parties.) It was prophesied that the party would be obliged to desert its main principle, separate organization, in any real anti-slavery struggle. It did so in the only two it has met—in New York, on the Constitution; in New4 Hampshire, on J. P. Hale's election.5 It was prophesied that when

1 The hobby of Lysander Spooner, now—superseding Goodell (Lib. 17.170)—the high priest of the doctrine of the ‘unconstitutionality of slavery.’ See his pamphlet bearing this title, Boston, 1845 (Lib. 15: 134), and Wendell Phillips's pamphlet reply (Lib. 15: 139; 17: 86).

2 Lib. 17.106, 113.

3 Ms. Aug. 29, 1847.

4 N. Y. Constitution of 1846.

5 On Aug. 6, 1846, Gerrit Smith wrote: ‘Since the Liberty Party has subscribed to the doctrine of voting for pro-slavery men, I have no desire to attend its meetings. Until the last nine months, I had taken it for granted that not to vote for a pro-slavery man was a settled, immovable, never, no never-to-be-departed — from doctrine of the Liberty Party. But I learned my mistake when I found that most of the members of the Liberty Party in this State, and most of the Liberty Party newspapers in the nation, were in favor of voting for pro-slavery men to construct the fundamental and organic law of the State of New York [Constitution of 1846]. I had another and very painful proof of this mistake when I saw the Liberty Party members of the New Hampshire Legislature voting for a pro-slavery man for Governor of their State—for a man who, whatever his words, is, nevertheless, pro-slavery in his influence, so long as he votes for the buyers and sellers of men’ (Lib. 16: 167).

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