caucus of Southern delegates to take this menacing1
's influence was paramount, and his Address2
in their name to their constituents was put forth, in the vain hope, by working upon Northern fears, to force the3
organization of California
without the Proviso.
It was, however, but a feeble document even in a rhetorical point of view, and did not march boldly up to the remedy of secession.
As to slavery, it affirmed that the free and servile races at the South
“cannot be separated, and cannot live together in peace and harmony, or to their mutual advantage, except in their present relation” Lib. 19.18.
; for suffrage would follow in the train of emancipation, and the white race then become subject.
The closing of the Thirtieth Congress, with the prayer of California
for a free constitution unheeded, but also4
with no legislation to the contrary, leaving the situation5
unchanged, was not calculated to allay the excitement at the South
Armed immigration to that Territory was6
set on foot.
In May a practical disunion convention was7
held at Columbia, S. C.
, and gave its approval to Calhoun
In November a similar body assembled at9 Jackson, Miss.
; and, in advance of the opening of the Thirtyfirst Congress, the Governors
, and10 Alabama
took, in their messages, corresponding ground as representatives of Southern sentiment.
A little later, joint committees of the legislatures of Georgia
Carolina applied the secession screw to Northern doughfaces, in resolutions fit to precipitate a crisis if the new Congress should not prove more subservient than the last.
Another cause helped to keep the South
fretful and heated: the escape of slaves to the North
was reaching alarming proportions, and recovery was blocked by the ‘personal liberty’ laws whose passage, at the instance of12
the abolitionists, has been noticed in the several States.
This was particularly felt along the border, in Maryland
, and in the Ohio Valley
In the Virginia Legislature, Pennsylvania
's withdrawal of State aid to kidnappers 14