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[141] and sailed the next day from Portsmouth, with Dr. Joseph Cogswell and N. P. Willis as fellow passengers. He left land with a heart full of gratitude for all he had enjoyed her people. Without blindly approving her insti<*> customs, he had seen much in her older society which would yet be realized in our newer and less cultured his youth he loved the country where he had passed s days, and he never after loved her less. Next to t of the African race, no political object was ever so co<*> him as perpetual peace between England and the United <*> There came a time when in the discharge of his duty, as <*> understood it, he set forth in strong language her failure to deal justly with us in our conflict with a pro-slavery Rebellion. He spoke then with the profound conviction that lasting peace between the two nations, and also the wider interests of civilization, required an end of the controversy; and that, as the first step towards a complete settlement, the English people should be brought by an emphatic statement to realize the full justice and import of our case: but his regard for them, and his interest in their welfare were as lively then as in his youth. On his fourth and final visit to Europe, a third of a century after the first, he passed the last night, before sailing on his return, with John Bright, at Rochdale, when he spoke with admiration of England, and of her public men, and with much tenderness of the many friends he counted among her well-known names.

Sumner's social career in England did not make him less an American and a republican. Writing a few years later, he said: ‘I have always enjoyed the refinement of the best society; but I have never sat in the palaces of England, without being pained by the inequality of which the inordinate luxury was a token.’

To Judge Story he wrote from London, March 18, 1839:—

I cannot hesitate to say that the representation should be equalized, that a place of three hundred voters should not send the same representatives with a place of five thousand; and I also think that something should be done (and the abolition of the law of primogeniture strikes me as the simplest and most efficient means) to break the aristocracy, to reduce estates, and to divide them. It is the law of primogeniture that indirectly keeps up the Established Church, the army, and navy; for all these are so many asylums for younger sons. You, who have never been out of America, have no conception of the power of the aristocracy. You will not believe me influenced by any mad, democratic tendencies, when I say that England has trials

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