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[375] work; so also would Howe, who is very earnest in helping up the sun of our new Paradise.

Let me thank you again very much for your sympathy, and for the eloquent extract from your sermon. I am glad, too, in Mrs. W.'s kind words.

Ever sincerely yours,

To Nathan Appleton, Pittsfield.

Boston, Aug. 18, 1845.
dear Mr. Appleton,—I ought to have thanked you earlier for your kind appreciation of my labors; but while I thank you, I am tempted to grapple with your suggestions against my conclusions.

1. You believe in the law of force. I believe that the age has passed for physical force between nations. My chief argument stands on the parallel between war and the trial by battle; and I wish to urge upon nations that they are now governed by the same rules of barbarous force which once prevailed between individuals. You say that you should be unwilling to rely upon simple abstract justice without force to back it. But you do in your own house. Your house has not loop-holes, or a draw-bridge, or a moat, as the houses of the dark ages had. You rely upon the honesty and peacefulness of your neighbors, and the protecting power of the law. So nations should rely upon their neighbors, and should learn to refer questions to Arbitration or to a Congress of Nations.

2. As to the safety of private ships in the harbor, and merchandise in the warehouses. Clearly, even under the present laws of war, they would be safe.

3. You think it would not be safe to leave our harbors unprotected. O you of little faith! Who would attack them? England, or France? Neither of these would think of a conquest. No war can arise between the United States and either of these nations except to determine some asserted right; and an arbitration would be the proper mode of determining this.

4. You say ‘occupation is necessary for men.’ So I say; but let them be occupied productively, not uselessly, living actually at the cost of others. Let them be put to till the earth, or to watch a cotton mill. I consider your neighbor, the gun-maker, an unproductive consumer of the fruits of the earth.

5. ‘Would not the mass of unemployed wretchedness in England be increased if the army and navy were turned loose to seek a support by labor?’ Clearly not; because it is the support of the army and navy that now causes such wretchedness: the taxation is chiefly on account of war and preparation for war; the poverty and wretchedness are the brood of war. Imagine the wealth now absorbed in preparation for war devoted to opening new sources of employment, bringing forward new materials. But your sagacity in political economy will readily comprehend the effect of this beyond any illustration of mine.

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