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[444] upon this floor, and thus to fortify. in the national government the desperate chances of a waning oligarchy. As the gallant ship, voyaging on pleasant summer seas, is assailed by a pirate crew, and plundered of its doubloons and dollars, so is this beautiful Territory now assailed in peace and prosperity, and robbed of its political power for the sake of slavery. Even now the black flag of the land-pirates from Missouri waves at the mast-head; in their laws you hear the pirate yell and see the flash of the pirate knife; while, incredible to relate, the President, gathering the slave-power at his back, testifies a pirate sympathy.

The President's disclaimer of power to hinder the outrages in the Territory was treated as an ‘apology imbecile,’ and contrasted with his swiftness in interfering on other occasions at the demand of the pro-slavery interest, as in the return of fugitive slaves. The remainder of the first day was occupied with a defence of the Emigrant Aid Company and of Massachusetts, from whose citizens it had derived the larger share of its funds and activity. This was the most effective part of his speech not traversed by other senators, and involving a direct denial of the assumptions of Douglas's report and speeches, and of the President's message.1 Associated effort, he maintained, in colonization, as well as in the various business of life, was in accordance with ancient and modern custom, and was justly applied to Kansas as ‘an effective agency in quickening and conducting emigration thither, and, more than all, in providing homes on its arrival.’ He defended in detail the methods of the company, which had ‘violated in no respect the Constitution or laws of the land,—not in the merest letter or the slightest spirit;’ providing no arms for emigrants, as was ‘complained by the senator from South Carolina, with that proclivity to error which marks all his utterances;’ never questioning emigrants as to their political opinions; conservative in its direction, so as to include among its managers, not Abolitionists, but those rather who were ‘more conspicuous for wealth and science than for any activity against slavery;’ adopting as its distinctive policy the planting of capital in the Territory in advance of population, so as to invite emigration; and facilitating the journey and settlement by combining parties of friends and neighbors under intelligent conductors; providing tickets at reduced cost,— and all this beginning later than the first organized pro-slavery emigration from Missouri. He asserted the sacred right of emigration,

1 New York Tribune, May 21. J. S. Pike's ‘First Blows of the Civil War,’ pp 335-337.

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