intimately, but who, conservative by nature and association, had felt little sympathy with his career, spoke with remarkable eloquence and power.
That gentleman in Washington who now lies upon a bed of pain, whose life it may be is hanging in the balance, needs no sympathy from us. Every drop of blood shed by him in this disgraceful affair has raised up ten thousand armed men; every gash upon that forehead will be covered with a political crown, let it be resisted as much as it may be resisted here or elsewhere.
This matter is raised far above and beyond all personal considerations.
It is a matter of trifling consequence to Mr. Sumner; it makes those who love him love him more,—and no man is more loved or more to be considered, so far as the affections or friendship are concerned.
Yet personal feelings are of little or no consequence in this outrage.
It is a blow not merely at Massachusetts, a blow not merely at the name and fame of our common country; it is a blow at constitutional liberty all the world over,—it is a stab at the cause of universal freedom.
, the addresses were made by Joel Parker
, Theophilus Parsons
, and Willard Phillips
, three well known jurists; Sparks
, the historian; Felton
, and Worcester
, scholars; Buckingham
, the veteran editor; and R. H. Dana, Jr.
, equally distinguished at the bar and in literature.
, E. Rockwood Hoar
read the resolutions, and Ralph Waldo Emerson
Nothing finer ever came from that earnest and philosophic mind.
He applied to Sumner
the language which Bishop Burnet
applied to Sir Isaac Newton
, and said, ‘Charles Sumner
has the whitest soul I ever knew.’2
Well, sir, this noble head, so comely and so wise, must be the target for a pair of bullies to beat with clubs!
The murderer's brand shall stamp their