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[41] as well as some of its points and authorities appeared often in his prolonged contention in the Senate for the rights of the colored people. Chief-Justice Shaw gave the opinion of the court adversely to Sumner;1 but the Legislature a few years later, in 1855, prohibited such separation of the races into different schools. Both races at once mingled in the same class-rooms without disturbance or inconvenience. To Sumner belongs the honor of leading the way in the contest with the spirit of caste. Dr. Palfrey wrote to him concerning his argument, ‘You have done few things among your worthy acts to be remembered by yourself hereafter more to your satisfaction, or by posterity to your praise.’ Many years afterwards, in 1870, Sumner's argument was again printed, and then widely distributed with the view of affecting public opinion in certain Northern as well as Southern States, where colored children were still excluded from the schools attended by white children.

During the years 1846-1850 Sumner contributed a large number of articles to newspapers, chiefly controversial and relating to the political contest against slavery. Joseph T. Buckingham admitted some of them to his journal, the Boston Courier, disclaiming, however, any responsibility for them; but oppressed by the hostile sentiments of his patrols, the declined others on grounds of expediency. Mr. Adams was always pleased to admit what Sumner wrote into the Boston ‘Whig.’ 2

1 Roberts v. City of Boston. Cushing's Reports, vol. v. p. 206.

2 The following, being those not referred to elsewhere, are identified as Sumner's: ‘J. M. Clayton on the Mexican War,’ a criticism of that senator, who while condemning the war (it being offensive and not defensive) supported measures for its prosecution, Boston Courier, Jan. 6. 1847; ‘Guns and Plumes in a Christian Church,’ disapproving the wearing of military uniforms in the Old South Church on Election day, Boston ‘Chronotype,’ Jan. 14, 1847; ‘The Boston Atlas and Southern Influence,’ setting forth the pro-slavery tone of that journal, especially in its Washington correspondence, Boston ‘Whig,’ Jan. 5 and 19, 1817; ‘The Next Presidency,’ insisting on a candidate of well-defined antislavery position, ‘Courier,’ Jan. 22, 1847; D. P. King's speech in Congress, ‘Whig,’ March 16, 1847; Rev. George Putnam's sermon on the Mexican War, a criticism on the sermon which brought about a correspondence between the preacher and the critic, ending however in a good understanding, ‘Courier,’ May 8, 1847: ‘Thanks to General Taylor,’ denying the propriety of such a testimony to victories obtained in an unjust war, ‘Courier,’ April 17, 1847; ‘The Position of Massachusetts,’ viewed in the light of the division in the Whig party on the slavery question, and the importance of union against the Mexican War and against slavery, ‘Courier,’ May 13, 1847; ‘The Fourth of July,’ suggesting the antagonism between the Declaration of American Independence and American Slavery, ‘Courier,’ July 3, 1847; Rev. R. C. Waterston's sermon on ‘The true position of the Church in relation to the Age,’ a testimony to the preacher's humane and independent spirit. ‘Courier,’ Dec. 18, 1847; ‘Regular nominations,’ justifying the election of E. L. Keyes, an antislavery leader, as member of the Governor's Council, against the opposition of conservative Whigs, ‘Courier,’ Jan. 17, 1848; Palfrey's first speech in Congress as a treatment of the slavery question, the second article being a rejoinder to the ‘Atlas,’ ‘Courier,’ Feb. 1 and 15, 1848.

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