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[103] protest against the admission of Texas as a slave State; and appealing to the mass of voters, they forwarded a remonstrance to Congress with sixty thousand signatures. From this agitation the manufacturers and many of the Whig politicians kept aloof, excusing themselves from joining in the remonstrance, taking no part in the meetings, and discouraging others from participating in the protests.1 Mr. Lawrence and Mr. Appleton, who stood at the head of the manufacturing interest, replied to the committee which requested their co-operation, that the question had been settled, and further agitation was a waste of effort on the impossible; and the latter saw fit to make an offensive and uncalled — for thrust at the ‘abolition movement,’ which in his view was not ‘reconcilable with duty under the Constitution.’2 The Whig journals of Boston, notably the ‘Advertiser,’ while assiduous in reporting Whig meetings, ignored these popular protests against this creation of a slave State out of foreign territory acquired for the purpose.

Sumner was an efficient member of a State committee appointed in the autumn of 1845 at a convention in Cambridge, and charged with the duty of organizing public opinion against the admission of Texas. He assisted in the arrangements for a public meeting at Faneuil Hall, November 4. The evening was inclement; and spectators sympathetic with its object thought the storm suggestive of the moral and political aspects of the period, while others of a different mood saw in the darkness and tumult outside emblems of the foul and traitor-like designs within. C. F. Adams made a speech on taking the chair. The other speakers were Palfrey, Sumner, and Hillard, Whigs; Wendell Phillips, Garrison, and W. H. Channing, Abolitionists; and H. B. Stanton, of the Liberty party. Sumner had drawn the resolutions (though read by another), which, as he wrote at a later day, ‘start with the annunciation of equal rights and the brotherhood of all men as set forth in the Declaration of Independence, which he always, from beginning to end, made the foundation of his arguments, appeals, and aspirations.’3 His

1 John Quincy Adams said in his Diary, Sept. 23, 1846, vol. XII. p. 274, ‘There are two divisions in the party,—one based upon public principle, and the other upon manufacturing and commercial interests.’

2 He apparently intended the slur not merely for Mr. Garrison's followers, but for those also who were in favor of a political party acting against slavery. The Boston Advertiser, Nov. 27, 1845, discountenanced the agitation as fruitless, and approved the position of Lawrence and Appleton.

3 Works, vol. i. p. 149.

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