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[197] unless she came with the Compromise on her back.1 He supported the Texas boundary bill, putting forth as his chief ground for yielding to the pretensions of that State that a collision with Texas troops in New Mexico would bring on civil war; and he condemned the President's decision to enforce the laws and suppress the hostile demonstration of Texas by sending our troops to New Mexico.2 His method of dealing with armed rebellion in Texas was in contrast with his prompt action as Secretary of State in executing the Fugitive Slave law in Boston,3 and with his passionate charges of treason against the rescuers of negroes, unarmed and unorganized, acting from instinct of race or generous sentiments of human nature.4 In the Senate he paused in his argument to pay compliments to Calhoun, Mason, and the Nashville convention,— a body whose disunion purpose was already understood by men less intelligent than himself5 His weighing of sectional grievances was in proportion and emphasis a judgment against the North.6

In the tone and spirit of what he said, even more than in the substantive propositions he maintained, he stood in conflict with his own past career and the sentiments of his State. He no longer as in earlier days held up slavery as a great moral, social, and political evil which had arrested the religious feeling of the community, and taken a strong hold on the consciences of men; but in his review he contemplated its advance with a calmness more than judicial, even with indifference;7 and he deprecated the part which Christian ministers and associations had taken in

1 Curtis's ‘life of Webster,’ vol. II. pp. 473, 474. He voted April 11 against excluding the admission of California from the Compromise, a week after he had expressed himself in debate as in favor of her admission independently. This vote, in which he stood alone among New England senators, prevented the exclusion of California from the Compromise, and delayed by some months her admission. BostonAtlas,’ April 16, 1850.

2 Webster's Works, vol. II. pp. 557, 562, 571, 572; Private Correspondence, vol. II. pp. 386, 387; Von Holst, vol. III. pp. 535-541; Giddings's ‘History of the Rebellion,’ pp. 315, 326.

3 Curtis's ‘Life of Webster,’ vol. II. p. 490.

4 Webster's Works, vol. II. pp. 560, 577, 578. He spoke of the city of Syracuse as that ‘laboratory of abolitionism, libel, and treason.’ Wilson's ‘Rise and Fall,’ vol. II. p. 361.

5 Webster's Works, vol. v. pp. 336, 337, 363. In a later speech he was obliged to admit the disunion character of the convention (vol. v. p. 429).

6 The remarks as to the imprisonment of Northern colored seamen in Southern ports were inserted in the speech after it was delivered. Wilson's ‘Rise and Fall of the Slave Power,’ vol. II. p. 245.

7 Webster's Works, vol. v. pp. 337-340.

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