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[216] paper. Its politics have such a temper from literature that they fascinate as well as convince.

To William Jay, June 1:—

I am glad of your new appeal. Like everything from you, it is careful, logical, clear, and with a practical bearing on the times. I am inclined to believe with you that under the Constitution the duty of surrendering fugitive slaves is imposed upon the States; but there is great difficulty in assuming this point in the face of a solemn decision of the Supreme Court. If that decision were out of the way, I think it could be easily vindicated to the States. Mr. Chase in his masterly speach has touched this point strongly.

You have doubtless read webster's recent wicked letter.1 There is a diabolism in it beyond even that of his speech. He seeks to assimilate the cases of fugitives from justice and fugitive slaves under the Constitution; and because the former cannot claim the trial by jury where they are seized, “argal” Zzz slaves cannot! But the Constitution, by its peculiar language, settles this point. Look at the express words of the two clauses . . . . Here ex VI termini the question whether service or labor be due must be determined, as a condition precedent, before the person can be delivered up. Of course, this must be determined in the State where he is found, and not in that to which he may be transported.

The feeling against Webster among many of his old Whig partisans continues to hold out. At present it seems as if there must be another slit in the Whig party here. The systematic efforts now making to suppress all discussion of this great question, the increasing malevolence towards the friends of freedom, and the treachery and apostasy of men, small as well as great, are in themselves most disheartening. Still, I know the cause is right, and as sure as God is God must prevail.

To George Sumner, June 25—

The recent outrageous expedition against Cuba2 has dishonored us before the world. . . . my own impression is that it [Clay's Compromise] will pass through the Senate; and this is founded on two things: first, Clay is earnest and determined that it shall pass; he is using all his talents as leader; and, secondly, the ultra-Southern opposition, I think, will at last give way and support it,—at least enough to pass the measure. If Webster had willed it, he might have defeated it.

To Richard Cobden, July 9:—

The slaveholders are bent on securing the new territories for slavery, and they see in prospective an immense slave nation embracing the Gulf of Mexico and all its islands, and stretching from Maryland to Panama. For this they are now struggling, determined while in the Union to govern and direct its energies; or if obliged to quit, to build up a new nation slaveholding throughout. They are fighting with desperation, and have been aided by traitors at the North. Webster's apostasy is the most barefaced. Not only the cause

1 To Citizens of Newburyport, May 15, 1850.

2 The second attempt of Lopez.

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