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[194] The latter if passed would be the first notice to England that war must come. I am not ready for any such step now. There is a dementia to adjourn and go home.

To the Duchess of Argyll, July 4:—

Congress will disperse to-day, having done several good things: (1) All fugitive-slave acts have been repealed; (2) All acts sustaining the traffic in slaves on the coast from one domestic port to another have been repealed, so that now there is no support of slavery in our statute-book; (3) The railroads here in Washington have been required to admit colored persons into their carriages; (4) Greatest of all in practical importance, the rule of evidence excluding colored testimony in the United States courts has been abolished. All these measures are now the law of the land. They were all introduced and pressed by myself. I feel happy in this result; but I shrink from saying that anything can make me happy now.

This war stretches on fearfully. The blood and treasure lavished to subdue belligerent slavery are beyond precedent. But so great and audacious a crime, sustained by European aid, resists with a natural diabolism. If it were left to itself, without foreign support, it would soon cease, under the assaults of the national government.

The President, on his return from General Grant's headquarters, told me that the general, who is a man of very few words, said to him: “I am as far off from Richmond now as I ever shall be. I shall take the place; but as the rebel papers say, it may require a long summer's day.” The President describes Grant as full of confidence, and as wanting nothing. His terrible losses have been promptly made up by reinforcements.

Mr. Lincoln was nominated in June, 1864, for re-election, at the Republican national convention in Baltimore, without open opposition except from the delegates from Missouri. There were times during the war when there was a lack of enthusiasm for Mr. Lincoln, and a distrust of his fitness for his place among public men who were associated with him. Visitors to Washington in 1863-1864 were struck with the want of personal loyalty to him.1 They found few senators and representatives who would maintain cordially and positively that he combined the qualifications of a leader in the great crisis; and the larger number of them, as the national election approached, were dissatisfied with his candidacy.2 An indifference towards him was noted in the commercial centres and among the most intelligent

1 Adams's ‘Biography’ of Dana, vol. II. pp. 264, 265, 271, 274; Godwin's ‘Life of W. C. Bryant,’ vol. II. pp. 175, 178; P. W. Chandler's ‘Memoir of John A. Andrew,’ pp. 111-114; Letter from Washington in Boston Commonwealth, Nov. 12, 1864.

2 Greeley's ‘American Conflict,’ vol. II. p. 655; Wilson's ‘Rise and Fall of the Slave Power,’ vol. III. p. 545; Julian's ‘Political Recollections,’ p. 243; New York Tribune, July 2, 1889.

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