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‘ [252] centralism,’ and involving ‘the danger of dangers.’1 From this time they were often at issue with Sumner on measures of reconstruction.2 The New York Times, in successive leaders, took positive ground against negro suffrage as any part of the reconstruction.3 Charles A. Dana, then an editor in Chicago, wrote to Sumner that it was advisable to keep with the President as far as possible in order to prevent ‘the Democrats coming into power through any unnecessary quarrel among ourselves.’4 John W. Forney of the Philadelphia Press, a partisan of the President, who had come also to be an admirer of Sumner, begged him, in view of all he had accomplished, to yield something of his present judgment for the sake of harmony with the vast political army of which he had ‘been a conscientious and courageous leader.’ Sumner's chief sympathizers at this time were the old Abolitionists and Free Soilers, with here and there men of radical ways of thinking, like Wayne MacVeagh and Horace Greeley. The latter advocated during the summer and autumn in the ‘Tribune,’ in able and earnest leaders,5 the admission of the negroes to suffrage as a just and politic measure, though disclaiming the purpose to make such admission an inexorable condition in reconstruction, and avoiding any reflection on the President's proceedings.6

Not overlooking voices in different directions which avowed the duty or expediency of admitting the emancipated race to full citizenship as a part of the reconstruction, this may be said of

1 Parke Godwin to Sumner, September 18 (manuscript) New York Evening Post, September 26. That journal contended that more States were needed to ratify the thirteenth Constitutional amendment, and Sumner replied that it had already been ratified by a quorum of States. New York Evening Post, September 29, Works, vol. IX. pp. 489-492.

2 Godwin's ‘Life of Bryant,’ vol. II. pp. 238-242. The ‘Evening Post,’ March 1, 1866, contains a rather cynical notice of Sumner's speech of February 5 and 6, 1866. While retaining its Republican connection, it regarded (November 6, 7, and 8, 1867) the reconstruction measures of Congress, except the fourteenth amendment, as ‘needless, violent, unstatesmanlike, and fanatical.’

3 March 2; June 3, 19, 21, 23, 24, 26, 28, 29. The Cincinnati Commercial printed eleven years later letters found in Andrew Johnson's office at Greenville, Tenn., after his death, which approved his policy of reconstruction at the outset. Among them were letters and telegrams from George Bancroft, James Gordon Bennett, Henry J. Raymond, Simon Cameron, and W. H. Seward.

4 His journal, the Chicago Republican, justified President Johnson's exclusion of the colored people from his plan of reconstruction.

5 June 14, 15. 20, 22, 23, 26, 27, 28, 29; July 8, 10,11, 31; August 1, 26; September 18, 20, 30: October 7, 19.

6 George L. Stearns, of Massachusetts, distinguished for his services for the colored people, who had while raising negro troops in Tennessee become acquainted with Mr. Johnson, was at this time his apologist. New York Tribune, October 23.

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