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[248] a berth in the cabin to a decent, cleanly colored man, when the other passengers appointed a committee to wait on him, and tell him that would not answer—so he had to turn out the “nigger” to pace the deck through the night, count the slow hours, and reflect on the glorious privilege of living in a land of liberty, where Slavery and tyranny are demolished, and all men are free and equal!

Such occurrences as this might make one ashamed of Human Nature. We do not believe there is a steamboat in the South where a negro passing a night upon it would not have found a place to sleep.

The year 1844 was the year of Clay and Frelinghuysen, Polk and Dallas, the year of Nativism and the Philadelphia riots, the year of delirious hope and deep despair, the year that finished one era of politics and began another, the year of Margaret Fuller and the burning of the Tribune office, the year when Horace Greeley showed his friends how hard a man can work, how little he can sleep, and yet live. The Tribune began its fourth volume on the tenth of April, enlarged one-third in size, with new type, and a modest flourish of trumpets. It returned thanks to the public for the liberal support which had been extended to it from the beginning of its career. ‘Our gratitude,’ said the editor, ‘is the deeper from our knowledge that many of the views expressed through our columns are unacceptable to a large proportion of our readers. We know especially that our advocacy of measures intended to meliorate the social condition of the toiling millions (not the purpose, but the means), our ardent sympathy with the people of Ireland in their protracted, arduous, peaceful struggle to recover some portion of the common rights of man, and our opposition to the legal extinction of human life, are severally or collectively regarded with extreme aversion by many of our steadfast patrons, whose liberality and confidence is gratefully appreciated.’ To the Whig party, of which it was ‘not an organ, but an humble advocate,’ its ‘obligations were many and profound.’ The Tribune, in fact, had become the leading Whig paper of the country.

Horace Greeley had long set his heart upon the election of Henry Clay to the presidency; and for some special reasons besides the general one of his belief that the policy identified with the name of Henry Clay was the true policy of the government. Henry Clay was one of the heroes of his boyhood's admiration. Yet, in 1840

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