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[363] of Horace Greeley's brief visit, went by the name of Republic, and Louis Napoleon was called President. For a sturdy republican like Mr. Greeley, it was but natural that one of his first inquiries should be, “Will the Republic stand?” It is amusing, now, to read in a letter of his, written on the third day of his residence in Paris, the most confident predictions of its stability ‘Alike,’ he says, ‘by its own strength and by its enemies' divisions, the safety of the Republic is assured;’ and again, ‘Time is on the popular side, and every hour's endurance adds strength to the Republic.’ And yet again, ‘An open attack by the Autocrat would certainly consolidate it; a prolongation of Louis Napoleon's power (no longer probable) would have the same effect.’ ‘No longer probable.’ The striking events of history have seldom seemed “probable” a year before they occurred.

Other impressions made upon the mind of the traveler were more correct. France, which the English press was daily representing as a nation inhabited equally by felons, bankrupts, paupers and lunatics, he found as tranquil and prosperous as England herself. He saw there less plate upon the sideboards of her landlords and bankers, but he observed evidences on all hands of general though unostentatious thrift. The French he thought intelligent, vivacious, courteous, obliging, generous and humane, eager to enjoy, but willing that all the world should enjoy with them; but at the same time, they are impulsive, fickle, sensual and irreverent. Paris, the “paradise of the senses,” contained tens of thousands who could die fighting for liberty, but no class who could even comprehend the idea of the temperance pledge!! The poor of Paris seemed to suffer less than the poor of London; but in London there were ten philanthropic enterprises for one in Paris. In Paris he saw none of that abject servility in the bearing of the poor to the rich which had excited his disgust and commiseration in London. A hundred princes and dukes attract less attention in Paris than one in London; for “ Democracy triumphed in the drawing-rooms of Paris before it had erected its first barricade in the streets;” and once more the traveler ‘marvels at the obliquity of vision, whereby any one is enabled, standing in this metropolis, to anticipate the subversion of the Republic.’ ‘And if,’ he adds, ‘passing over the mob of generals and politicians-by-trade, the choice of candidates ’

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