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[14] chief executive of the State for the people to prepare for war, or even to put the State in a position to defend itself, if necessary, from encroachment and invasion. It had too much politics and not enough war in it to suit the secession element, and too much war and not enough politics to suit the Union element. Under other conditions it might have been considered an evidence of political shrewdness on the part of the governor, but, as it was, it was a damper on the enthusiasm of his partisans. The fact is, the Crittenden compromise measures and other propositions looking to a restoration of tranquillity were pending, and the governor, true to his political training, did not think it judicious to commit himself too far either way. Nobody doubted the integrity of his motives or his loyalty to the State and its institutions, but a great many, and those mostly his own partisans, doubted whether he was the man for the crisis.

The most accomplished, the clearest-headed and the strongest man connected with the State government undoubtedly was Lieut.-Gov. Thomas C. Reynolds. He was a South Carolinian by birth, but his family was Virginian. He was at once a student, a cavalier and a man of the world. He was a classical, as well as a modern, scholar, and, as the result of considerable experience as secretary of legation in Spain, was an adept in the mysteries of diplomacy and the courtesy of courts. At the same time he was learned in the law, a good speaker, and had acquitted himself well in several affairs of honor, in one of which he had wounded B. Gratz Brown, a violent leader on the Union side.

In the organization of the senate, the lieutenantgover-nor, who was ex-officio president of that body, so arranged the committees that they could be depended on, under all circumstances, to act when action was required. But before the meeting of the legislature, or rather before his induction into office, he prepared and published a letter in which he expressed his views in regard to the

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