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[233] a certain constraint about their intimacy. They knew and liked each other better, I believe, than either ever said to the other. But such natures understand and appreciate perhaps as well as if they expressed more.

Two grave questions, the English and the Cuban, were at once presented to the State Department. The story of the English imbroglio, the quarrel with Motley and Sumner, in which Fish fully sympathized with Grant, the Treaty of Washington, and the Arbitration at Geneva—all this I have attempted to record. The subject profoundly interested the Secretary of State, and all the adjustment was left to him. Grant approved of every step that was taken, though sometimes he required to be convinced; but he was in accord with Fish at every critical moment. In the personal phases of the controversy the feelings of both became enlisted, and they were brought into closer relations because they received and repelled the same assaults. Grant had the soldier's feeling of camaraderie very strong for those who shared his dangers, and Fish was always sturdily loyal. Even when Grant determined on a course that Fish would not perhaps have advised, the Secretary stanchly supported his chief; not, of course, against his developed convictions, but more than once without any personal interest of his own.

The Cuban danger, however, Fish fought from the beginning. Rawlins was very anxious to take sides with the Cubans in their struggle for independence, and others in the Cabinet followed his lead. He looked to the eventual annexation of Cuba by the United States and did everything in his power to precipitate steps that could not be reversed. He was even willing to risk the possibility of war with Spain, but Fish; thought we had too recently emerged from a contest at home to engage in another abroad. He was not averse to acquiring Cuba under other circumstances, as I shall show, but he did not want the island at the expense of war, especially at this time. He therefore frowned upon all attempts

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