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[347] would seem to be possible, even to the great intellect of Mr. O'Connor. But, it has done something more than demonstrate the legal innocence of the Confederate States and of Davis and Lee. It, together with Lunt's history of ‘The Origin of the Late War,’ place Massachusetts, and the New England States, in a position such as no enlightened and honorable, to say nothing of Christian communities occupy anywhere in human history.

Says the author, page 43: ‘We are necessarily dealing with facts, or inferences therefrom, when we attempt to ascertain from the Constitution and history what the Constitution and government under it are. When the States (or people) acted, what, in point of fact, did they make? Was it a federation of States or was it a single State, divided into counties or provinces? I shall duly prove herein the following facts: 1st. That the States existed as separate and independent sovereign States before the Federal Constitution. 2d. That they, as commonwealths, alone aided in establishing that Constitution and the government under it. 3d. That the entire existence and powers of the said government are from and under them. 4th. That each and every federal functionary is a citizen and subject of a State, elected by and acting for such State. 5th. That our United States, or “Union of States,” as these phrases indicate, is a federation of sovereignties. Now, these are facts or falsehoods. I shall prove them to be facts beyond controversy, and show that the Federal Constitution, the history of its formation, and all the acts and records of the States concur in proving them. This chapter is devoted to showing that the fathers unqualifiedly asserted the Union to be a federation of sovereign States; and that they considered the Federal government to be alike the creation, the agency and the subject of the States.’ In proof of this he quotes the testimony of the writers of the Federalist, Hamilton, Madison, Jay, and many others, viz: of Washington and Franklin, John Dickenson, Gouveneur Morris, James Nelson, of Pennsylvania, Tench Coxe and Samuel Adams, of Roger Sherman, of Oliver Ellsworth, of Chancellor Pendleton, John Marshall, James Iredale, Fisher Ames, Theophilas Parsons, Christopher Gove, Governor James Bowdoin and George Cabot, to corroborate his assertions; and the pledges he gave to prove certain things, he has amply redeemed, in proof of which we refer to the book, and submit the question to any impartial mind. Well does he say that: ‘Many more such extracts might be presented, but these will suffice; for, among the leading fathers there was no dissent. Indeed, there could be on this subject no difference of opinion, ’

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