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‘ [179] Lord Halifax's plan may be good and take place,’ said
chap. VII.} 1755.
Alexander, of New York. Hopkins, governor of Rhode Island, elected by the people, complained of the men ‘who seemed to love and understand liberty better than public good and the affairs of state.’ ‘Little dependence,’ said he, ‘can be had on voluntary union.’ ‘In an act of parliament for a general fund,’ wrote Shirley, ‘I have great reason to think the people will readily acquiesce.’

In England, the government was more and more inclined to enforce the permanent authority of Great Britain. No Assembly had with more energy assumed to itself all the powers that spring from the management of the provincial treasury than that of South Carolina; and Richard Lyttleton, brother of Sir George Lyttelton, who, in November, 1755, entered the cabinet as chancellor of the exchequer, was sent to recover the authority which had been impaired by ‘the unmanly facilities of former rulers.’ Pennsylvania had, in January, 1755, professed the loyalty of that province, and explained the danger to their chartered liberties from proprietary instructions; but, after a hearing before the Board of Trade, the address of the colonial legislature to their sovereign, like that of New York in the former year, was disdainfully rejected. Petitions for reimbursements and aids were received with displeasure; the people of New England were treated as Swiss ready to sell their services, desiring to be paid for protecting themselves. The reimbursement of Massachusetts for taking Louisburg was now condemned, as a subsidy to subjects who had only done their duty. ‘You must fight for your own altars and firesides,’ was Sir

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