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[231] method, by the king's requisition, through the Secre-
chap. XI.} 1765. Feb.
tary of State; and he put into his hands the pledge, of Pennsylvania to respect the demand when so made. ‘Can you agree,’ rejoined Grenville, ‘on the proportions each colony should raise’ To this they could only answer, no; on which he remarked, that the stamp act would adapt itself to the number and increase of the colonies. Jackson pointed out the danger to the liberties of the colonies, when the crown should have a civil list and support for a standing army from their money, independent of their assemblies. The assemblies, he thought, would soon cease to be called together. ‘No such thing is intended,’ replied Grenville warmly, addressing himself to the Americans. ‘I have pledged my word for offering the stamp bill to the House, and I cannot forego it: they will hear all objections, and do as they please. I wish you may preserve moderation in America. Resentments indecently expressed on one side of the water will naturally produce resentments on the other. You cannot hope to get any good by a controversy with the mother country. With respect to this bill, her ears will always be open to every remonstrance expressed in a becoming manner.’

While the Americans in London were unwearied in offering objections to the stamp tax, Soame Jenyns, the oldest member of the Board of Trade, published authoritatively the views of his patrons. He mocked at the ‘absurdity’ of Otis, and ‘the insolence’ of New-York and Massachusetts.

‘The arguments of America,’ said he,

mixed up with patriotic words, such as liberty, property,

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