council of the whole empire, and as such was as
capable of imposing internal taxes as impost duties, or taxes on intercolonial trade, or laws of navigation.
The house was full, and all present seemed to acquiesce in silence.
, a member for London
, a friend of Pitt
, and himself a large owner of West India
estates, without disputing the supreme authority of parliament, openly declared his opinion, that ‘taxing America for the sake of raising a revenue would never do.’1
, who had concerted with Grenville
to propose an American representation in parliament, spoke and voted against the resolutions.
‘The parliament,’ he argued, ‘may choose whether they will tax America or not; they have a right to tax Ireland
, yet do not exercise that right.
Still stronger objections may be urged against their taxing America.
Other ways of raising the moneys there requisite for the public service exist, and have not yet failed; but the colonies in general have with alacrity contributed to the common cause.
It is hard all should suffer for the fault of two or three.
Parliament is undoubtedly the universal, unlimited legislature of the British
dominions; but it should voluntarily set bounds to the exercise of its power; and if the majority of parliament think they ought not to set these bounds, then they should give a share of the election of the legislature to the American
colonies, otherwise the liberties of America
, I do not say will be lost, but will be in danger; and they cannot be injured without danger to the liberties of Great Britain