notorious, than that of 1745. The king's governors
have been hanged in effigy, his forts and generals besieged, and the civil power annulled or suspended. Will you remain inactive till the king's governors are hanged in person? Is the legislature always to be dictated to in riot and tumult? The weavers were at your doors last year, and this year the Americans are up in arms, because they do not like what you have passed. Why was not parliament called sooner? Why are we now called to do nothing? The house is on fire, and ministers, from unskilfulness, or want of will, use no endeavors to stay the flames. Shall we wait till it is burned down before we interpose? No matter whence the spark; the combustible nature of the matter creates the danger. Resist at the threshold. First repress the rebellion, and then inquire into grievances. Concessions are talked of, and even a repeal of the law hinted. And are not concessions always dangerous? In the struggles between the senate and people of Rome, what did the senate get by treating with the people, but a master to both? What did Charles gain by giving way to exorbitant demands and not persisting when in the right, as he sometimes was, but the loss of his crown and life? It has been said that America was conquered in Germany; but give up the law, and Great Britain will be conquered in America. It is said, though we do repeal the law, yet we will pass some declaratory act asserting our rights. But when the Americans are possessed of the substance, what regard will they pay to your paper protestations? Ministers may be afraid of going too far on their own authority; but will they refuse
chap. XX.} 1765. Dec.
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