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‘ [373] laws by open and rebellious force,’ and complained of
chap. XX.} 1765. Dec
the king's lenity. ‘What would have been thought,’ said he, ‘in 1745, if any person had called the rebellion of that day an important matter only?’ Cooke, the member from Middlesex, justified the colonies, and showed the cruelty of fixing the name of rebels on all. Charles Townshend asserted with vehemence his approbation of the Stamp Act, and leaned towards the opinion of Grenville. ‘Sooner,’ said he, ‘than make our colonies our allies, I should wish to see them returned to their primitive deserts.’1 But he sat down, determined to vote against Grenville's amendment. Gilbert Elliot did the same; and Wedderburn displayed the basest subserviency. Norton dwelt much on the legislative authority of parliament to tax all the world under British dominion. ‘See,’ said Beckford, ‘how completely my prophecy about America is accomplished.’ Some one said that Great Britain had long arms. ‘Yes,’ it was answered, ‘but three thousand miles is a long way to extend them.’

Especially it is observable that Lord George Sackville, just rescued from disgrace by Rockingham, manifested his desire to enforce the Stamp Act.2

The amendment was withdrawn, but when three days later Grenville divided the house on a question of adjourning to the ninth instead of the fourteenth of January, he had only thirty-five votes against seventy-seven. Baker, in the debate, called his motion ‘insolent,’ and chid him as the author of all the trouble in America; but he threw the blame from himself upon the parliament. Out of doors there was a great deal of clamor,

1 Hammersley.

2 Letter from London of Dec. 22 and 24, 1765, in Boston Gaz. 17 Feb. 1766. Chatham Corr. II. 352.

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