great manufacturing towns.
It was exercised over the palatinate of Chester, and the bishopric of Durham, before they sent any representatives to parliament.
I appeal for proof to the preambles of the acts which gave them representatives, the one in the reign of Henry VIII., the other in that of Charles II.
He then quoted the statutes exactly, and desired that they might be read; which being done he resumed
To hold that the king, by the concession of a charter, can exempt a family or a colony from taxation by parliament, degrades the constitution of England.
If the colonies, instead of throwing off entirely the authority of parliament, had presented a petition to send to it deputies elected among themselves, this step would have marked their attachment to the crown and their affection for the mother country, and would have merited attention.1
The stamp act is but the pretext of which they make use to arrive at independence.2 It was thoroughly considered, and not hurried at the end of a session.
It passed through the different stages in full houses, with only one division on it. When I proposed to tax America, I asked the house, if any gentleman would object to the right; I repeatedly asked it, and no man would attempt to deny it. Protection and obedience are reciprocal.
Great Britain protects America; America is bound to yield obedience.
If not, tell me when the Americans were emancipated?
When they want the protection of this kingdom, they are always ready to ask it. That protection has always been afforded them in the most