union among themselves against it, which could not
be effected without great violences. No one ever thought the contrary, till now the trumpet of sedition has been blown. It is sufficient to turn over the index to the statute book, to show that acts of parliament have been made not only without a doubt of their legality, but with universal applause, the great object of which has been ultimately to fix the trade of the colonies, so as to centre in the bosom of that country, from which they took their original. The Navigation Act shut up their intercourse with foreign countries. Their ports have been made subject to customs and regulations, which have cramped and diminished their trade; and duties have been laid affecting the very inmost parts of their commerce. Such were the post-office acts; the act for recovering debts in the plantations; the acts for preserving timber and white pines; the paper currency act. The legislature have even gone so low as to restrain the number of hatters' apprentices in America, and have, in innumerable instances, given the forfeitures to the king. Yet all these have been submitted to peaceably, and no one ever thought till now of this doctrine, that the colonies are not to be taxed, regulated, or bound by parliament. This day is the first time we have heard of it in this house. There can be no doubt, my lords, but that the inhabitants of the colonies are as much represented in parliament as the greatest part of the people of England are represented; among nine millions of whom there are eight who have no votes in electing members of parliament. Every objection, therefore, to the dependency of the colonies upon parliament, which arises to it upon the ground of representation, goes to
chap. XXII.} 1766. Feb.
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