a government truly representing the people; the other
was so to touch the French
nation in Convention with the flame of his humane, but jealous, impatient, and dogmatic spirit, as to light up European
wars between the New
and the Old
, continuously for a generation.
In the Commons, the resolution was presented by Conway
, who himself at the time of passing the Stamp Act, had publicly and almost alone denied the right of parliament to impose the tax, and twice within twenty days had publicly reiterated that opinion.
He now treated the question of power as a point of law, which parliament might take up. For himself, he should never be for internal taxes.
He would sooner cut off his right hand than sign an order for sending out a force to maintain them.
Yet he begged not to be understood to pledge himself for future measures, not even for the repeal of the Stamp Act. ‘When he comes to move resolutions of repeal,’ said Grenville
's friends, ‘he will have in his pocket another set of resolutions of an opposite character.’
Dowdeswell, the Chancellor
of the Exchequer, defended the proposition in its fullest extent.
Parliament might change the charters of the colonies, and much more, might tallage them; though, in point of policy, justice, or equity, it was a power that ought to be exercised in the most extraordinary cases only.1
moved to strike out from the resolution the words, ‘in all cases whatsoever.’
He was seconded by Pitt
, and, sustained by Beckford
They contended that American taxation by parliament was against the spirit of the British constitution; against the authority