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‘ [363] of honor and respectability, who would undertake to
Chap XLIV.} 1770. May.
do the duties of the situation.’

The Opposition was plainly factious; and the resolutions which only censured the past were defeated by a vote of more than two to one. Chatham would not attend the debate, when they were brought forward in the House of Lords; but spurning the lukewarm temper of the Rockingham Whigs, he placed himself before the nation as the guide of the future, zealous for introducing ‘a more full and equal representation.’1 His patriotism was fruitless for that generation; light on representative reform was not to break on England from the House of Lords. But America was an essential part of the English world. To New England the men of the days preceding the ill-starred Commonwealth had borne their ideas of government, and there the system of an adequate, uncorrupt and equal representation existed in undimmed lustre. There the people annually came together in their towns, annually elected their representatives, and gave them instructions which were sacredly obeyed.

The instructions which the town of Boston, adopting the language of the younger Quincy, this year addressed to the faithful representatives of its choice, cited the Journals of the House of Lords in evidence of ‘a desperate plan of imperial despotism,’ which was to be resisted if necessary, ‘even unto the uttermost;’ and therefore recommended martial virtues, valor, intrepidity, military emulation, and, above all, the firm and lasting union of the Colonies.

1 Vote of the Common Council of London, 14 May, 1770. Motion of Lord Chatham, 14 May, 1770; in Chat. Corr. III. 457. Chatham to the London Deputation, 1 June, 1770.

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