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[85] Americans, as their tea would now come to them at
Chap. XXIX} 1767. July.
a less price than to the consumers in England, would pay the impost in their own ports with only seeming reluctance.

But the new measures were, in their character, even more subversive of right than those of Grenville. He had designedly left the civil officers dependent on the local legislators, and consigned the proceeds of the American tax to the Exchequer.1 Townshend's revenue was to be disposed of under the sign manual at the King's pleasure. This part of the system had no limit as to time or place, and was intended as a perpetual menace. In so far as it provided an independent support for the crown officers, it did away with the necessity of colonial legislatures. Wherever the power should be exercised, Governors would have little inducement to call Assemblies, and an angry Minister might dissolve them without inconvenience to his Administration.2 Henceforward ‘no native’ of America could hope to receive any lucrative commission under the crown, unless he were one of the martyrs to the Stamp Act. Places would be filled by some Britonborn, who should have exhibited full proof of his readiness to govern so refractory a people as the Americans according to the principle of bringing them to the most exact and implicit obedience to the dictates of England.3

Such an one was Tryon, now Governor of North Carolina, a soldier who, in the army, had learned little

1 Compare Hartley's Letters on the War.

2 W. S. Johnson to the Gov. of Connecticut, 13 July, 1767; Garth to Committee of South Carolina, 5 July, 1767.

3 W. S. Johnson to Stuyvesant of New-York, 10 July, 1767.

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