The Daily Dispatch: March 2, 1861., [Electronic resource]

Friday,March 1, 1861.

The Convention was called to order at 12 o'clock.

Prayer by the Rev. Dr. Burrows, of the first Baptist Church.

Resolutions.

By Mr.Garland of Amherst:

Resolved, That an Ordinance should be passed by this Convention, submitting to the qualified voters of this State, the question whether Virginia shall remain attached to the Northern Confederacy, or whether she shall secede and unite her destiny with the States of the Southern Confederacy.

Referred to the Committee on Federal Relations.

By Mr.Fisher, of Northampton:

Resolved, That the Commissioners to the Peace Congress from this State be requested to make their report to this Convention, in person, at their convenience.

Mr.Price, in view of his wish to have a written report, moved that the resolution be laid on the table. Agreed to.

By Mr. Echols of Monroe:

Resolved That in the present political complications of our country, it is the duty of the Congress of the United States to recognize the separate and independent nationality of the States that have called themselves under the name of the Confederate States of America.

That concurrently with such a recognition. a treaty should be made between the two Governments, which treaty should, among other things, provide for -- 1st, the perpetual prohibition of the African slave trade and, 2d, the free navigation of the Mississippi river.

Referred to the Committee on Federal Relations.

By MrBoisseau,of Dinwiddle:

Resolved, That the Union was formed by the voluntary co-partnership of the States, the equal and sovereign parties to the compact of Union, known as the Constitution; that the Federal Government is the creature and common agent of the States, casted by them for certain purposes specified in the Constitution, and having no powers except those delegated; that when the people of Virginia in Convention assembled, ratified the Constitution of the United States, they declared that the powers thereby granted might be returned by them whensoever the same should be perverted to their injury or oppression; and the people of Virginia and not the Federal Government, are the judges of the necessity which may compel them to resume those powers.

ResolvedThat the occasion has now arisen which justifies the people of Virginia in resuming the same powers, and when they resume the same they will then, as a free and independent State, have full power to levy war, conclude peace, contract alliances, establish commerce, and to do all other acts and things which an independent State may of fight do, and no Government or people on earth will have any right to collect revenue in any form, or under any disguise or evasion, on her soil; or to interfere in any way with her commerce, nor to hold any forts, magazines, arsenals or dock-yards in her limits; but the State will account with the United States for their rights of property in the same, on just, fair and equitable terms.

Referred to the Committee on Federal Relations.

Delinquent Taxes.

A communication was received from the Auditor of Public Accounts, furnishing information called for by a resolution of the Convention, upon the subject of delinquent taxes. Laid on the table and ordered to be printed.

Personal Explanations.

Mr.Goggin, in reply to the comments of Mr.Morton on the previous day, made some explanation of his position on the subject of a Middle Confederacy. He was not particularly in favor of such a measure, but wanted the concurrent action of all the border States.

Mr.Moore,of Rockbridge, asked the privilege of making an explanation. The gentleman from Orange (Mr. Morton) had referred to the opinions he entertained thirty years ago upon the subject of slavery. If gentlemen wanted to know his opinions now, he had no hesitation in telling them that he did not regard slavery as an evil at least so far as the slaves were concerned. No greater blessing was ever conferred on the African race than slavery as it exists in Virginia. No laboring class could enjoy more comfort. He thought their condition was infinitely better than that of slaves in what are called free States. With regard to his having signed a latter, in company with others, to Dr. Ruffner, requesting the publication of his remarks before a debating society, he went on to show that he did not agree with all the sentiments of the pamphlet, He was not in favor of educating the slaves to prepare them for emancipation, not in favor of a division of the State. His sentiments were in favor of an equal basis of representation, and as that was secured, he meant to keep the State together, and would not see her sold to the North or the South.

the place Conference proposition.

Mr.Dorman,of Rockbridge, offered the following:

Resolved, That the Federal Union was made by the people of the several States, and can respectively be dissolved by the power alone that made it.

Resolved, That Virginia should use her best efforts to procure a direct vote of the people of all the States, including those which have seceded from the Union, upon the alternative reposition of disunion or adjustment as the basis of the Peace Conference proposition — and that she will thereafter co-operate with such States as concur with her in the result of their votes.

Referred to the Committee on Federal Relations.

the Debates.

Mr. Hughes, of Randolph, offered a resolution, which was adopted, for the appointment of a committee of three to confer with the editors of the Enquirer, to see if the debates cannot be printed on a separate sheet without other matter.

The President subsequently appointed the following committee under the resolution:-- Messrs. Hughes, Wickham, and Richardson.

proceedings of A Meeting.

Mr. Burgerpresented the proceedings of a meeting in his county, on National affairs, with a request that the paper be referred to the Committee on Federal Relations, and it was so referred.

Unfinished Business.

The Convention then proceeded to the consideration of unfinished business — the resolution of Mr.Moore,of Rockbridge.

Mr.Baylorof Augusta, being entitled to the floor, resumed his remarks. He had never been able to see any good reason why Virginia should secede at all-much less before the 4th of March. He did not believe there was any design to coerce Virginia. If the Commonwealth were to be taken out of the Union, it would not prevent the inauguration of Lincoln as resident of the United States. The election of Lincoln was not regarded by the people as a cause for a dissolution of the Union. Had the rights of Virginia become any more insecure since the election than before! If so, it was in consequence of the action of members of Congress from the Southern States, Their secession had given the Republicans a majority in Congress. The Southern States had the power, and threw it away; and now because they had done wrong, they come and ask us to do wrong also. He was opposed to hasty action; opposed to Virginia going out at all; but when events might render it necessary, then let her go out peaceably.

He did not believe secession was a constitutional measure. If the framers of the Constitution had in tended it to be there, they would have put it there. If the States had been forced into the Federal compact, they might have some excuse; but as it was voluntarily entered into, he believed they had no right to secede from it.

He was, however, opposed to coercion. The Constitution gave the Government no such power. This Government could never be kept together by force. If South Carolina were to be conquered by force, no power could make her send representatives to Congress.

Secession he looked upon as a revolutionary measure. He wanted the matter settled without war. If there were a war, how could the matter be settled after it was over, when treasure had been spent and thousands of citizens slaughtered? [He denied the imputation that he or his people were submissionists. But if to rally around the flag of the country constituted a submissionist, he was one. Whenever the time comes when the dignity and honor of Virginia requires a fight, he and his people would be counted in. He was for exhausting all fair and honorable means for the settlement of difficulties, before resorting to extreme measures. People who were in the habit of denouncing the whole North, seemed to have forgotten that 1,500,000 votes were cast against Abraham Lincoln there — more votes than all the South cast against him.

It might be thought his conservative sentiments were too strong; but he could not forget the past — he could not forget the struggles of the revolutionary fathers who fought for our liberties. In the war of 1812, some of his own kindred lost their lives under the heroic Jackson, fighting for the Union which he wanted to preserve. He could not relinquish the attachment that he had formed for the Union in his early days.

He believed the Government of the United States was the best ever formed, and that none could ever be made equal to it. The question was how should the Union be reconstructed. If Virginia went out, she could not be instrumental in this. He opposed her going out, because he thought it was doubtful about her ever getting back.

Why make propositions for the settlement of a difficulty unless you are willing to wait to see whether the result of that proposition would be rejected or acquiesced in?

He went on to reply to the proposition of the Commissioner from Georgia, in regard to a standing army to protect the rights of Virginia. He had heard nothing yet to satisfy him that it was to the interest of Virginia to go out of the Union, He was pleased that the gentleman from Bedford (Mr. Goggin) had read from the Farewell Address of George Washington, to point out the constitutional remedy for existing evils. He would, with the leave of the Convention, read another extract from his parting advice. The speaker then

read that portion which counsels a cordial, habitual, immovable attachment to the Union, and went on to urge the Convention to stand up to the advice of that great man.

It was unjust to charge the Black Republican party with the responsibility of the John Brown raid. He did not sympathize with that party, on the contrary he denounced them: but he could not hold them responsible for that invasion as others did.

He opposed the proposition that Virginia should go anywhere — either to the North or the South. He cautioned gentlemen that they could make nothing by threats. It was useless for the South to attempt to intimidate the North by such a course.

Whatever might be the opinions of others, he accepted the proposition of the Peace Conference. He hoped Virginia would accept it, and he thought she would. He know his own people would accept it, and believed it would be accepted by the people of the other States. He wanted it to be known exactly where he stood. He did not know whether Congress would accept the proposition or not. He expected little of a Black Republican Congress. If they failed, there was another remedy provided in the fifth article of the Federal Congress. If the Peace Conference proposition failed, he wanted this Convention to inaugurate a movement to wards the adoption of the last remedy. If, in the final event, we were compelled to depart, and they refused to let us depart in peace, then he would be ready to meet the issue.

Mr.Montaguebriefly replied to some of the positions advanced by the last speaker. He held the Black Republicans responsible for the John Brown raid, and for all the other evils that had befallen the country. He also read an extract from the Farewell Address of George Washington, to show that he looked upon the Government at that time as an experiment, the impracticability of which had not then been demonstrated by experience.--He hoped that gentlemen, when they preached Washington here, would at the same time remember that the experiment of which he spoke had now been demonstrated as impracticable.

Mr.Turner,of Warren, desired to state, very briefly, the motives that would actuate him in this Convention. He commenced by reading from his address to the people of his county before the election, indicating a firm determination to stand by the rights of Virginia; to exhaust all honorable means to adjust the difficulties, and in the event of a failure to prepare the way for a Union with the South.

He stood hand to hand and shoulder to shoulder with the gentleman from Smythe, (Mr. Sheffey,) and believed that they were both as good Union men as any in this Convention. He venerated the Union, but was not willing to tread upon the rights of the people to preserve it. He was anxious to see the Southern States come back and take their place in the National Councils. But, for the Union, as it is at present, he had little affection. He did not propose to discuss the right of secession; lie, however, believed in that right. He opposed precipitation, and did not think it necessary that Virginia should jump out of this Union on any particular day. After mature deliberation and reflection, the result at which the Convention would arrive would have a moral weight with the people. He disclaimed the idea of a Central Confederacy, and thought that if circumstances compelled Virginia to secede, every consideration of honor and interest would demand that she should unite with the South. He preferred the Constitution of the United States as it is, to any new one that could be framed.

With a determination to lay aside all party feelings, he came here firmly resolved to do what he thought best for the honor of Virginia. Believing in the resurrection of truth, he would do as he deemed right, trusting to the future to justify his action.

Mr. Goode,of Mecklenburg, next took the floor. He deprecated the disposition of those who called themselves conservatives to pour out the vials of wrath upon the heads of the Southern States. In reply to the gentleman from Augusta, (Mr. Baylor,) who had spoken of the Peace Conference propositions in terms of commendation, he said that he hoped it would never be accepted by the people. His own constituents, he declared, would not accept it. He did not, however, propose to go into a prolonged argument at this time, and if any gentleman desired to move an adjournment, he would resume his remarks to-morrow.

Mr.Turnermade a motion to that effect, but withdrew it by request.

‘"Clearing the Galleries."’

Mr.Wisealluded to the, occurrences of Monday last, in his absence; when, owing to some disturbance in this house, the gallery was cleared, and a citizen was arrested and discharged upon motion. He endorsed the character of that citizen for truth and integrity, and would present a letter from him, relieving him from the imputation of participating in the disturbance.

A letter to this effect, from Mr. Franklin Thomas, was then read by the Clerk, and, by request of Mr. Wise,directed to be entered upon the Journal.

the Virginia Commissioners.

Mr. Sheffey,of Smythe, offered the following:

Resolved,That the Commissioners of Virginia to the late Peace Conference at Washington, be requested, at as early a period as may be agreeable to them, after they shall have reported according to the provisions of the Act of Assembly, appointing them to explain, severally, before the Convention, their views of the action of said Conference, and of its result. And that Commissioners Hon. Wm. C. Rives, Hon. John W. Brockenbrough, and Hon. James A. Seddon, be invited by the President to occupy seats in this Convention.

Mr. Price,of Greenbrier, opposed that portion of the resolution requesting the Commissioners to address the Convention, and called for a division of the question.

Sonolitebate ensued, and Mr. Macfarlandmoved to lay the resolution on the table, but withdrew it.

Mr. Johnson,of Richmond, then addressed the Convention in opposition to the first part of the resolution, when Mr. Priceoffered the following as a substitute.

Resolved,That the President of this Convention be instructed to invite the Hon. W. C. Rives, the Hon. Jas. A. Seddon, and the Hon. John W. Brockenbrough, to occupy seats upon this floor.

Mr.John Tylerexplained the apparent delay in the report of the Commissioners.--They were required to make a report to the Governor, who makes it known to the Legislative bodies. They must wait until the adjournment of Congress to know whether any action will be taken on the proposition. The Journal of the Peace Conference was not completed when they left Washington, and that record would be the best report that could be made.

A long debate followed, in which Messrs. Wise, Johnson, Harvie, Sheffey, Branch, Macfarland, Thornton, Dorman, Early, Scott of Powhatan, and Tyler participated.

Mr. Earlysuggested that Judge Robertson be included in the invitation; and the suggestion having been accepted, he called for the yeas and nays on the adoption of the substitute.

The call being sustained, the vote was taken with the following result:

Yeas.--Messrs. Jauney, (President,) Aston. Baldwin, A. M. Bathour, J. Barbour, Baylor, Berlin, Boggess, Branch, Brown, Burdett, Burley, Byrne, Campbell, Caperton, Carter, Coffman, R. Y.Conrad, Couch, J. H. Cox, Critcher, Dent, Deskins, Dorman, Dulany, Early, French, Fugate, Gillespie, Graham, Grant, Gravely, Gray, A. Hall, E. B. Hall, Haymond, Hoge, Hubbard, Hull, Jackson, M, Johnson, P. C. Johnston, Lewis, McComas, McGrew, McNeil, Macfarland, Maslin, Masters, Moffett, Moore, Nelson, Patrick, Porter, Preston, Price, Pugh, Saunders, R. E. Scott, W. C. Scott, Sharp, Sitlington, Southall, Speed, Spurlock, A. H. H. Stuart. C. J. Stuart, Tarr, Taylor, White, Wickham, and Willey.--71.

Nays.-- Messrs. Armstrong, Blow, Bolssean, Borst. Bouldin, Cabell, Cecil, Chambliss, Chapman, Coun. C. B. Conrad, R. H. Cox, Fisher, Garland, Graham, Gregory, Goggin, J. Goode, Jr., T. F. Goode, Hale. C. Hall, L. S. Hall Harvie, Holcombe, Hunton, Isbell, Kent, Kilby, Kindred, Lawson, Leake, J. B. Mallory, Marr, Montague, Morris, Morton, Neblett, Randolph, Richardson, Seawell, Sheffey, Strange, Thornton, R. H. Turner, F. B. Turner, Tyler, Williams, Wilson, Wise, and Woods.--50.

The resolution, as amended, then passed.

On motion of Mr. E. B. Hall,the Convention adjourned.