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Secession abroad: -- great excitement on account of the tariff — Europe speaking out :

In spite of their abolition proclivities, the English journals are out in full cry upon the Morrill. tariff, and warn the North that if it is not repealed, it will bring odium and ruin upon the Republican States. They assure the anti-slavery journals of the free States, that though the abolition scruples of England are the result of conscientous conviction, yet they cannot, as sensible English-men, permit their consciences to interfere with their trade, an assurance which, to one tolerably familiar with history, is quite supererogatory. The Liverpool Mercury declares that ‘ "Northern Protectionism&’ is as bad as ‘&Southern Secession.& ’ It says the new tariff bill ‘&is about the most retrograde piece of legislation that any country, within the Old or the New World has seen of date years,&’ and that ‘&its object appears to be to reduce to a minimum the foreign trade of the Northern Union. The Republican party, while it strongly claims our sympathies on one all-essential point, is committed to the nonsensical dogmas of compulsion and exploded political economy. "’‘"It is certain that either protectionists tariffs or the Federal Union will have to give way. It is unfortunate for the North that the advocacy of sound economical principles should be almost exclusively confined to slave-owners and their sympathizers, and that Mr. Jefferson Davis should talk like a statesman and a man of sense on a subject on which Mr.Lincoln discourses like an Essex squire of the corn law and top-boot epoch."’

The London Times adds its deep-toned sayings to the general thunders of denunciation from Europe. It openly advocates the policy of President Davis, and avows its belief that the commerce of the North will be destroyed by the Morrill tariff. It says:

‘ "If Americans wish to know with what feelings this measure has been regarded in England, they have only to turn to the Trade Reports of The Times, and their curiosity will be gratified. Thus we find from Birmingham that a hardware and cutlery trade of 3,800,000. is looked upon as worthless. South Staffordshire is in dismay. 'The conduct of Congress on the Tariff Bill has much changed the tone of public feeling with reference to the Secessionists, and none here, even those whose sympathies are with the Northern States, attempt to justify the course which the Protectionists in Congress have pursued.' In Manchester the proposed increase of duties on cotton goods in the United States is causing great attention-- in Newcastle it is considered that it will be impossible to do business with the United States on the terms set out in the Tariff, while the business with the Southern States is described as satisfactory. In Sheffield considerable apprehension is felt as to the effect of the new tariff on the steel trade. In Wolverhampton the anticipation that the Tariff has become law darkens the already gloomy prospects of the iron trade.-- In that respect it has done its worst, but it is destined. if we mistake not, to be the fruitful mother of other disruptions. What interest have the great agricultural Western States, for instance, in being made tributaries to the iron-masters of Pennsylvania, or the cotton-spinners of Lowell? They will desire, as the South have desired, a direct trade with England, and the peculiar position of Canada, with its facilities of communication by lake, river, and railway, will show them the readiest means of obtaining a direct trade by a fresh separation — possibly by an amalgamation with our own colonies.

" These topics are so obvious that we forbear to insist upon them, but we beg to point out, for the comfort of our own countrymen and the warning of the Government of the United States, that in attempting to exclude at one blow twenty millions of exports from their territory, they have undertaken a task quite beyond their power.-- They may, indeed, destroy their own Customs' revenue; they may give additional strength to these vested interests which claim a prescriptive right to live on the vitals of the community; they may ruin the shipping and cripple the commerce of the towns on the Atlantic seaboard, but they cannot prevent English manufactures from permeating the United States from one end to the other. A glance at the map is sufficient to show this. The Southern Confederacy will, of course, desire no better than to make Charleston, Savannah, Mobile and New Orleans, depots for English manufactures, to be smuggled across the long and imperceptible frontier which separates them from the United States.-- Nay, it is quite possible that the great city of New York may prefer to declare itself a free port, and to become the depot of an illicit traffic, rather than see its wharves rotting, its streets deserted, and its harbors empty, because a suicidal folly has driven commerce to the inferior harbors of the South. The indented coasts of the Northern states give ample opportunity for smuggling, and, what is still more important, the frontier between Canada and the Union is virtually traced by the stream of the St. Lawrence and the centre of the great Lakes Ontario, Erie, and Huron. It is a region which might have been created for the express purpose of punishing the presumptions folly of seeking to erect the barrier of prohibition between nations which have long enjoyed the mutual benefits of commercial intercourse. The smuggler will redress the errors of the statesman, as he has so often done before. The change may occasion delay, loss, and inconvenience; but the stream is too mighty to be choked, and no sooner will the old channel have been stopped than a new one will be forced."

’ Even the London News, the organ of Exeter Hall, says:

‘ "Mr, Gregory has given notice that on an early day he will call the attention of her Majesty's Government to the expediency of a prompt recognition of the Southern Confederacy of America.--There is no occasion for Mr. Gregory or any one else to be anxious to get our Government to acknowledge the so-called Southern Confederacy of American States. The practice of the British Government. in such cases, is firmly established, and well understood-- viz: to recognize all defacto Governments, irrespective of opinions, origin, or any circumstance but the fact of being the actually established ruling power. If ever, and whenever, that happens with the Southern States, which now profess to be a Confederacy, there can be no doubt, about their being recognized by all the European powers; and by England with the utmost certainty and distinctness-- but the case has not yet reached this stage; and it is very far from reaching it."

’ The people of France, our ancient and chivalric ally, lead the way in welcoming the new Confederacy into the confraternity of nations. The Moniteur, the official journal of the Imperial Government, has expressed the ‘"deepest indignation at the increase of duties imposed by the Northern States upon French productions,"’ and the Pays has loudly proclaimed: ‘"Let the independence of the South be recognized. In the hands of Northern men, the edifice, which was raised with so much care and labor by their predecessors, comes crashing down, threatening to carry with it, in its fall, the industrial future of every other nation, "’

The Weser-Zeitung, of Bremen, says:

‘ "The political crisis in the United States has gradually reached a point, after which all constitutional discussions are utterly superfluous.--The seceded States may have had ever so little right to revolt against the Federal Government; their revolution is no less a fixed fact, which sound policy will have to treat according to principles different from those of the Supreme Court at Washington. This is not the first instance in history where an indubitable wrong claims to be treated on the same footing with rights and institutions that have existed for centuries. The reality of life never fails from time to time to produce such claims, against which the moral sentiment of a nation at first invariably revolts; but sooner or later the moment arrives, where it becomes unreasonable and impracticable to limit the development of nations to the rigid formula of written law, and to judge of its changes as we judge of a question of civil law.

"This one-sided point of view is speedily overcome and put to rest, where — as in the new world — the origin and growth of the existing Constitution does not date back into immemorial and venerated ages, but where this process has been gone through as the visible and tangible work of men, before the eyes, as it were of a generation still living and in the sober daylight of modern times The Constitution of the United States is a compromise, the record of which lies before us in legible detail, in the modern and intelligible English of the eighteenth century; every body knows that it is not the mysterious result of the unconscious growth of a thousand years, but the product of very prosaic and prudent calculations, which were based upon clearly defined interests, where questions of finance, of administration, of personal security and security of property, played almost an exclusive part. Questions very similar to those brought to bear on the formation of the U.S. Constitution, are to-day operating in an opposite direction for its destruction; and it ought therefore not to surprise us, that the support which the state of things heretofore existing receives from more ideal views of men and from the sentiment of national and fraternal veneration is extremely weak. The greatest political question which has ever agitated the public life of the Union, presents itself essentially as a question of dollars and cents; and it is characteristic that since the breaking out of the crisis the discussion turns mostly on such points as these: How about the Custom-Houses? how about the post-offices? the national debt? the property in the navy and armories? We observe very little of the convulsions of a wounded nationality — such, for instance, as vibrate to this day in the heart of Poland; although Poland perished before the American Union was born. To be sure there is no lack of animosity and passion, but it is an animosity more like that existing between quarrelling partners in business, than that between divided brethren.

"This sober, business-like character of the contest, we think, favors a final settlement of the question. To the Polish we may prove ever so clearly that they fare better under the Prussian Government than they ever did before, that their property is more valuable, their security greater, their rights better protected than during the time of their national independence, that their political death has been a social and economical benefit to them; they will nevertheless hail with enthusiasm the moment which promises the restoration of their old Polish liberty and barbarism. The Americans are following a train of thought quite opposite. Let them be convinced that a dissolution of the Union will bring no great injury to their material interests, and they will accept the fact of secession, and employ their energies to make the most of a new state of things. If the free States were of opinion that, by the secession of the slave states, their commerce, their agriculture and industry would receive a deadly blow, they would certainly risk everything, and, if necessary, invade the South in order to maintain the Union. If on the contrary, cool reflection proves, as we think it does, that such dangers are not necessarily connected with a separation of the States; that commerce and trade are more powerful than political boundaries; that civil war costs a great deal of money, besides blood; that a triumph of the North over the South would, at best, be a barren satisfaction, and could never, really and truly, heal the rupture which an armed conflict could only increase; then, we believe, these States will think twice before they fire the first cannon for such an object."

’ From the beginning, the Dispatch has predicted that the manufacturing interests of Europe would override its pretended abolition philanthropy, and compel it to recognize the independence of the Southern States. We thank heaven that we were never stupid enough to believe that the abolitionism of the Old World had anything in it honest, sincere and humane. When slavery existed in their own colonies, they were such despotic taskmasters that insurrection was the rule instead of the exception. But the interests of nations, which are their only conscience, leave Europe no alternative but to use Southern cotton, and keep open the Southern ports. Truly, never was a people so favored by Providence as the people of the Southern Confederacy. The commercial world lies at their feet, and if they use their great advantages with a grateful and humble recognition of the source from which they are derived, and with the wisdom and moderation which have marked the organization of their Government, they will become the wealthiest and happiest people the world has ever seen.

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