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Will they persist in this war?

The Abolitionists proper are the ruling spirits of the North. Sooner or later, they always carry their point. They deserve to rule, for they have more determination of soul, more conviction of principle, more persistency of purpose and intensity of passion, than the classes called conservative, whose interests are always their sole thought, and who weigh every act by its promises of gain.

The real purposes and policy of the North are to be learned from the few leading Abolitionists, and not from the large, loose, masses of population. They cannot be learned from the ephemeral demonstrations of popular temper, announced to us from day to day by the telegraph. That unfortunate people are wonderfully liable to epidemics of feeling, which precipitate them into great and droll extravagances of conduct. They are so constituted, that it is a psychological necessity for them to be carried away periodically by some rage or other, to burn at intervals with a consuming fever of some sort — whether it be over Kossuth and Hungary, the Japs and Tommy, the Prince of Wales and his suite, or John C. Hebran, or Lincoln and his Bob-'o-Lincoln of a son. Their present rage is over the Union and Yankee Doodle, and takes a military turn. They are going to overdo the business of soldiering as shockingly as they overdo everything else they take up with a furore; and the dose of tomfoolery they are about to inflict upon the world will be the most disgusting the world has yet had to bolt at their hands with a wry face. The hour is tempting for ‘"the summer soldier and sunshine patriot"’ to exhibit his plumes and his enthusiasm; and we shall have such a marching of troops, and such a flourishing of trumpets for a few days or weeks, as would strike terror into the doomed adversary, it that adversary had not learned perfectly well the real nature and significance of these spasmodic demonstrations.

The Yankee people have lost their Yankee natures, if they in fact have any stomach for the war they have now inaugurated. They are the last people in the world to persist in a course of conduct that ‘"won't pay."’ Of all people in the world they are the very ones least addicted to the folly of quarreling with their bread and butter. This war not only won't pay as a policy, but exposes them to the most stupendous losses. What people in the world have more property or larger interests afloat upon the ocean than they? And President Davis has hit them between wind and water with his prompt and pertinent proclamation, calling for privateers. That proclamation speaks to people of all nations and tongues, and invites the daring and enterprising from every quarter of the compass. The richest prize ever offered to a belligerent power is now offered to the South by the floating commerce of the Yankees. The fairest opportunity ever offered a fleetless nation for improvising a complete navy is now offered the South by the floating plunder of the Yankees. A privateer ship is in naval, what a volunteer regiment is in military organization; but it is much more promptly improvised, from the fact that its crew and officers have the incentive of booty to lure them into service; while the volunteer soldier has only the boon of a cause he loves to urge him into enlistment. The wealth of the North is in its seaboard cities and in its ships; that of the South, in the interior country on their plantations.--The Yankee's property, that which he holds dearer than all things else, is in exposed situations, where it is liable at every moment to be pounced upon by Southern privateers, Southern navies, or Southern armies; whereas, it will cost him more than it is worth to reach the best values of the South. His enthusiastic demonstrations, which we are witnessing at present, in New York and elsewhere, and his profuse and magnificent proffers of men and money to Lincoln for aggressive war upon the South, are from the first impulse of passion, and are not the dictates of that sober, second thought which rules him in his cooler moments, and inclines him always to decide for the profitable side of a measure. To watch his various phases of conduct while passing from his present raw head and bloody bones disposition to wards the South, to those profitable and amicable conclusions at which he will arrive in a few days or weeks hence, will be as entertaining as instructive to the political entomologist.

It is not, we repeat, from the spasmodic demonstrations of the Northern populace that we are to learn the policy which that section intends to pursue in the new relations that have arisen between the North and the South. It is rather from the abolitionists proper, who have purpose, will and persistency, that we are to derive this important information.--And it must be recollected that this class of Northern politicians are humanitarians and peace men. The most conspicuous exemplification of their consistency as advocates of peace was the conduct of Sumner, whose bloody shirt and cracked skull were carried over the ocean for public exhibition at Exeter Hall, as mute but eloquent witnesses of his non-combatancy.

The abolition party proper have never advocated a sectional war upon the South.--They have denounced the Union and repudiated the Constitution; they have cried aloud for dissolution; but they have never advocated a war of conquest and subjugation against the South. Even Greeley, now so blood-thirsty and so valiant, was, only a few years ago, too tender of life to eat roast beef, or fowl or fish; preferring the vegetarian diet, eschewing blood and the shedding of it. Accordingly we find Wendell Phillips, the Moses of the abolition movement, the writer of the book of Genesis in abolition literature, setting his face against war. In a recent speech at Boston, he is reported as delivering himself of the following sentiments — decidedly the most catholic and judicious we have ever known him to utter:

‘ "To-morrow's breeze, when it sweeps from the North, will bring to us the echo of the first Lexington battle of the new revolution. Well, what shall we say of such an hour? My own feeling is a double one. It is like the triumph of sadness — rejoicing and sorrow. I cannot indeed congratulate you enough on the sublime spectacle of twenty millions of people educated in a twelve-month up to being willing that their idolized Union should risk a battle, should risk dissolution, in order at any risk to put down this rebellion of slave States. ’ "But I am sorry that a gun should be fired at Fort Sumter, or that a gun should be fired from it for this reason. The Administration at Washington does not know its time. Here are a series of States girding the Gulf, who think that their peculiar institutions require that they should have a separate Government. They have a right to decide that question without appealing to you or me. A large body of people sufficient to make a , have come to the conclusion that they will have a Government of a certain form. Who denies them the right? Standing with the principles of 176 behind us, who can deny them the right? What is a matter of a few millions of dollars or a few forts? It is a more drop in the bucket of the great National question. It is theirs just as much as ours. I maintain, on the principles of 176, that Abraham Lincoln has no right to a soldier in Fort Sumter.

"But the question comes secondly, 'Suppose we had a right to interfere, what is the good of it?' You may punish South Carolina for going out of the Union. That does not bring her in. You may subdue her by hundreds of thousands of armies, but that does not make her a State. There is no longer a Union. It is nothing but boy's plays. Mr. Jefferson Davis is angry and Mr. Abraham Lincoln is mad, and they agree to fight. One, two, or three years hence, if the news of the afternoon is correct, we shall have gone through a war, spent millions, required the death of a hundred thousand men, and be exactly then where we are now--two nations; a little more angry, a little poorer, and a great deal wiser; and that will be the only difference. We may just as well settle it now as then.

‘"You cannot go through Massachusetts and recruit men to bombard Charleston or New Orleans. The Northern mind will not bear it. You never can make such a war popular. The first onset may be borne. The telegraph may bring us news that Anderson has bombarded Charleston, and you may rejoice. But the sober second thought of Massachusetts will be, 'Wasteful, unchristian, guilty!' The North never will endorse such a war."’

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